May 31, 2008

WAR CRIMES DOSSIER: IZ this BuZh's lawyer? And are they meeting this fine weekend?


Bush's new lawyer harbors secretive, criminal past

By John Byrne

The cult of secrecy surrounding President Bush’s newly retained lawyer in the Valerie Plame CIA leak case is so strong that the White House refuses even to confirm who the president’s lawyer is.

White House press secretary Scott McClellan told reporters June 3 that the lawyer’s name was Jim Sharp, but refused even to confirm whether he is James E. Sharp, a Washington attorney.

But the smokescreen around Sharp goes far deeper than that, and perhaps for good reason. The only other president to hire a private attorney for acts committed while president, Richard Nixon, eventually resigned from office.

Sharp long has cloaked himself in secrecy, even taking the unusual move of paying to have his address and telephone number removed from the major Martindale legal directory. He was an assistant district attorney before he came to Washington and has a history of taking on cases with political implications.

Sharp’s highest profile client was Maj. Gen. Richard V. Secord, a major figure in the Iran-Contra scandal who helped Lt. Col. Oliver North accumulate untaxed wealth in overseas accounts.

Far lesser known, however, is a 1994 finding by the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals, where he engaged in “unethical and criminal activity” for pressuring a witness to commit perjury. The charge was leveled by one of Sharp’s witnesses when he represented his self-avowed “good friend” Joe Harry Pegg against a charge of conspiring to import marijuana in 1988 and 1989.

In 1994, when the case was being heard on appeal, the lawyer for one of Pegg’s co-conspirators, Reggie Baxter, contacted the prosecuting attorney, Cynthia Collazo, saying that Sharp might have had “privileged conversations” that might cause Sharp to have a conflict of interest in representing Pegg.

“In unsworn statements, Baxter told Collazo that shortly after he had been arrested in 1992 for participating in the marijuana importation conspiracy charged in the instant case, Sharp had met with him and arranged for Pegg to pay a portion of Baxter's legal fees,” the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals transcript states. “Baxter then stated that Pegg had retained attorney Dick Hibey to represent Baxter in the case. Baxter further claimed that Sharp and Hibey helped him concoct a false story to help exculpate Pegg.”

After Collazo expressed her concerns to Sharp, he decided to remain on the case regardless. Though they did not dispute his actions were criminal, the government could not to pursue Sharp because they were unable to prove the conflict adversely affected his counsel of Pegg, a standard required by the Sixth Amendment.

“The district court found and the government does not deny that Sharp labored under an actual conflict of interest created by co-conspirator Baxter's allegations that Sharp had engaged in unethical and criminal activity in connection with his representation of Pegg,” the transcript asserts.

And, as the White House refuses to confirm Sharp’s identity, some speculate that he might also have been the Jim Sharp who served as an attorney to Jeb Magruder, a player in the Watergate scandal. It’s possible, one blogger notes, since James E. Sharp, born in 1940, would have been 33 at the time.

If it is the same case, Sharp was accused of sneaky dealing there, too: A recent book by Tony Lukas — “Nightmare” — has Sharp telling a Watergate defendant that he’ll let him confess all first to get a plea deal, then subsequently scheduling an appointment for his client, Jeb Magruder, to get his deal first.

Joseph E. diGenova, a former U.S. attorney who worked with Sharp as a young prosecutor, told the Washington Post that Sharp is known for his litigation skills.

He’s “a brilliant tactician who is very persuasive” he said, and “folksy like a fox.”

WAR CRIMES DOSSIER: clusterbomb treaty May 2008

UPDATES graphic that moved Aug. 3, 2006;

graphic explains how cluster bombs work;

1c x 5 1/8 inches; 46.5 mm x 130.2 mm

111 nations, but not US, adopt cluster bomb treaty

DUBLIN, Ireland (AP) — Chief negotiators of a landmark treaty banning cluster bombs predicted Friday that the United States will never again use the weapons, a critical component of American air and artillery power.

The treaty formally adopted Friday by 111 nations, including many of America's major NATO partners, would outlaw all current designs of cluster munitions and require destruction of stockpiles within eight years. It also opens the possibility that European allies could order U.S. bases located in their countries to remove cluster bombs from their stocks.

The United States and other leading cluster bomb makers — Russia, China, Israel, India and Pakistan — boycotted the talks, emphasized they would not sign the treaty and publicly shrugged off its value. All defended the overriding military value of cluster bombs, which carpet a battlefield with dozens to hundreds of explosions.

But treaty backers — who long have sought a ban because cluster bombs leave behind "duds" that later maim or kill civilians — insisted they had made it too politically painful for any country to use the weapons again.

"The country that thinks of using cluster munitions next week should think twice, because it would look very bad," said Espen Barth Eide, Deputy Defense Minister of Norway, which began the negotiations last year and will host a treaty-signing ceremony Dec. 3.

"We're certain that nations thinking of using cluster munitions won't want to face the international condemnation that will rain down upon them, because the weapons have been stigmatized now," said Steve Goose, arms control director of New York-based Human Rights Watch, who was involved in the talks.

However, the treaty envisions their future use — and offers legal protection to any signatory nation that finds itself operating alongside U.S. forces deploying cluster bombs, shells and rockets.

The treaty specifies — in what backers immediately dubbed "the American clause" — that members "may engage in military cooperation and operations" with a nation that rejects the treaty and "engages in activities prohibited" by the treaty.

It suggests that a treaty member could call in support from U.S. air power or artillery using cluster munitions, so long as the caller does not "expressly request the use of cluster munitions."

The treaty also contains promises to mobilize international aid to cluster bomb-scarred lands such as southern Lebanon, where a 2006 war between the militant group Hezbollah and Israel left behind an estimated 1 million unexploded "bomblets."

The pact requires treaty members to aid explosives-clearance work and provide medical, training and other support to blast victims, their families and communities.

In Washington, State Department spokesman Tom Casey said the treaty would not change U.S. policy and cluster munitions remain "absolutely critical and essential" to U.S. military operations.

He said U.S. officials in the State and Defense departments were studying whether the treaty would eventually oblige American bases in Europe to withdraw cluster munitions.

Goose said this decision would be up to individual U.S. allies. The treaty, he noted, requires nations that ratify it to eliminate all cluster weapons within their "jurisdiction or control."

He said most NATO members were likely to conclude that U.S. bases were operating under their jurisdiction and order U.S. cluster munitions to be removed or destroyed, while Germany and Japan were most likely to permit the weapons stocks to remain.

U.S. defense analysts said the treaty drafters do not appreciate the importance that the world's most powerful militaries place on cluster munitions. They doubted that the treaty would force any American retreat on the matter, noting that a majority of U.S. artillery shells use cluster technology.

"This is a treaty drafted largely by countries which do not fight wars," said John Pike, a defense analyst and director of

"Treaties like this make me want to barf. It's so irrelevant. Completely feel-good," he said.

Asked whether U.S. forces would ever ban or restrict cluster-bomb technology, Pike said,

"It's not gonna happen. Our military is in the business of winning wars and using the most effective weapons to do so."

Ivan Oelrich, vice president for strategic security programs at the Federation of American Scientists in Washington, said he expected U.S. forces to keep using shells, rockets and bombs that break apart into smaller explosive objects because they have 10 times or more killing power than traditional munitions, particularly against troops in exposed terrain or in foxholes.

Government and military spokesmen in other cluster bomb-defending nations were similarly dismissive of the treaty.

"Russia will not ban cluster bombs and land mines,"
Lt. Gen. Yevgeny Buzhinsky said earlier this week in Moscow. "We stand for evolutionary development of these weapons. Russia's Defense Ministry objects to radical and prohibitive measures of this kind."

The treaty spells out future requirements for legal cluster weapons.

Each would have to contain no more than nine weapons inside, known formally as "submunitions." Each submunition must weigh at least 8.8 pounds, or four kilograms, have technology that allows it to identify a specific human or armored target, and contain electronic fail-safes to ensure that any duds cannot detonate later.

Patricia Lewis, director of the U.N. Institute for Disarmament Research, said the weight rule represented "a very neat and clever way of closing off a loophole."

"In the future, things weighing less than four kilograms could be designed that would give a large explosive impact, so the idea is to prevent future developments," Lewis told reporters in Geneva, Switzerland.

But U.S. analysts derided the conditions as illogical.

Both Oelrich and Pike said it would be technically possible to design new cluster munitions that meet all of the treaty's criteria — but questioned why the treaty sought to limit the number of devices per shell, rocket or bomb.

Oelrich said the treaty's insistence on electronic fail-safes ignored the possibility of producing submunitions encased in metals that rapidly deteriorate when exposed to sun or moisture, depending on the theater of war.

"I don't see the point of the `nine' thing," Oelrich said. "What difference does it make how you package the submunition? What matters is the performance of the submunition on the ground. And nobody in any military wants duds."

Pike said if other countries insist on shells, rockets and bombs that contain no more than nine submunitions each, the military logic would be inescapable.

"It would just mean I'm going to have to shoot more of them!" he said with a laugh.

Associated Press writers Foster Klug in Washington, Mike Eckel in Moscow and Frank Jordans in Geneva, Switzerland contributed to this report.

Related News

Comments found:

As an example, the CBU-87 contains 202 BLU-97 submunions, which have a failure rate of at least 7-30%. That's 14-60 unexploded bomblets per bomb dropped. The bomblets are colored bright yellow, with black text. Food packets handed out in Afghanistan were bright yellow with black text too, until incidents prompted the color of the packs to be changed to blue. More on the BLU-97.

A CBU-87 dropped by a Dutch F-16 in Kosovo malfunctioned, scattering its bomblets far from the intended target, killing 14, and injuring twice that many. The Dutch stopped using them then, but I see they're now agitating with Canada for expanding the use of these devices.

They are a despicable invention.

Using cluster bombs to attack targets inside cities is despicable IMHO. The Israelis did it because they don't give a fuck about civilian casualties, yet they scream and bitch about them when a suicide bomber blows up in a cafe.

Cluster bombs were designed for use against the predicted mass formations of the Soviet Bloc. Warfare is moving from mass warfare to unconventional warfare and I doubt we'll see any prospect of massed armour and mechanized infantry moving across European/North American plains anytime soon.

Cluster bombs are a relic and need to go the way of the lance, trebuchet and cavalry horse. There are plenty of other weapons that are more accurate (and therefore more deadly).

Clusterbombs are used for GENOCIDE (euphemistically called "ethnic cleansing" ). Yuck! Time for them to go !! Is the human race not going to get anymore HUMANE?

A full 98% of deaths due to clusterbombs are CIVILIANS !

Documents on Cluster Bombs

Cluster Bomb Treaty Breaks New Ground
The new cluster munitions treaty adopted in Dublin on May 30, 2008, will save thousands of lives for decades to come, with key treaty provisions stronger than even some of its staunchest supporters had expected, Human Rights Watch said today. The treaty immediately bans all types of cluster munitions, rejecting initial attempts by some nations to negotiate exceptions for their own arsenals, as well as calls for a transition that would delay the ban for a decade or more.
May 30, 2008 Press Release
Also available in russian spanish
Printer friendly version

US: Defeat at Clusters Parley
US efforts to undermine a new treaty banning cluster munitions met with significant defeat today at the final negotiations in Dublin, Human Rights Watch said.
May 28, 2008 Press Release
Also available in spanish
Printer friendly version

WAR CRIMES DOSSIER: Salon article on WAR PROFITEERS (Hey! Follow the money!)

Former high-ranking Bush officials enjoy war profits

Now working inside America's "shadow" spy industry, George Tenet, Richard Armitage, Cofer Black and others are cashing in big on Iraq and the war on terror.

Editor's note: This article is adapted from Tim Shorrock's book, "Spies for Hire: The Secret World of Intelligence Outsourcing," published this month by Simon & Schuster and reprinted with permission.

terrorism, News, Iraq, CIA, Spies, Salon News, National Security Agency, Homeland Security, Outsourcing, Tim Shorrock


Salon composite

From bottom: Former Bush officials George Tenet, Richard Armitage and Cofer Black

May 29, 2008 | Richard L. Armitage, who served from 2001 to 2005 as Deputy Secretary of State, was a rarity in the Bush administration: an official who delighted in talking to the press. Reporters loved him for his withering criticism of the neoconservative zealots around President George W. Bush and in part because he fed them tidbits about the White House they could obtain nowhere else. His accidental disclosure to conservative columnist Robert Novak that Valerie Plame, the wife of Iraq war critic Joseph Wilson, was working undercover for the Central Intelligence Agency remains one of the most notorious leaks of the Bush era.

But perhaps because of his cozy ties to the Washington press corps and the media's obsession with Plamegate, very little has been written about Armitage's extensive business dealings. In fact, Armitage is one of the most successful capitalists in Washington. He has successfully parlayed his experience in covert operations and secret diplomacy into a thriving career as a consultant and adviser to some of the biggest players in America's Intelligence Industrial Complex -- corporations that are working at the heart of U.S. national security and profiting handsomely from it.

Armitage, currently an adviser to presidential candidate John McCain, had once been Colin Powell's closest ally during the bitter disputes inside the Bush administration over the invasion and occupation of Iraq. According to the Washington Post's Bob Woodward, Armitage advised Powell on more than one occasion to tell the neocons to "go fuck themselves," and, at one point, even refused to deliver a speech about Iraq drafted for him by Vice President Dick Cheney's office.

Yet, three years after those epic battles, Armitage is enjoying life as a stakeholder in a dozen private companies that are making money directly from the war started by his former nemeses.

Over the past decade, contracting for America's spy agencies has grown into a $50 billion industry that eats up seven of every 10 dollars spent by the U.S. government on its intelligence services. Today, unbeknownst to most Americans, agencies once renowned for their prowess in analysis, covert operations, electronic surveillance and overhead reconnaissance outsource many of their core tasks to the private sector. The bulk of this market is serviced by about 100 companies, ranging in size from multibillion dollar defense behemoths to small technology shops funded by venture capitalists.

Nearly every one of them has sought out former high-ranking intelligence and national security officials as both managers and directors. Like Armitage, these are people who have served for decades in the upper echelons of national power. Their lives have been defined by secret briefings, classified documents, covert wars and sensitive intelligence missions. Many of them have kept their security clearances and maintain a hand in government by serving as advisers to high-level advisory bodies at the Pentagon, the Central Intelligence Agency, the National Security Agency and the White House. Now, with their government careers behind them, they make their living by rendering strategic advice to the dozens of information technology vendors and intelligence contractors headquartered along the banks of the Potomac River and the byways of Washington's Beltway.

Ever since the 1950s, with the rise of America's modern military-industrial complex, high-level U.S. officials and military men have moved between the government and private sectors. But what we have today with the intelligence business is something far more systemic: senior officials leaving their national security and counterterrorism jobs for positions where they are basically doing the same jobs they once held at the CIA, the NSA and other agencies -- but for double or triple the salary, and for profit. It's a privatization of the highest order, in which our collective memory and experience in intelligence -- our crown jewels of spying, so to speak -- are owned by corporate America. Yet, there is essentially no government oversight of this private sector at the heart of our intelligence empire. And the lines between public and private have become so blurred as to be nonexistent.

Shortly after leaving government in 2005, Armitage was recruited to the board of directors of ManTech International, a $1.7 billion corporation that does extensive work for the National Security Agency and other intelligence collection agencies. He's also since advised two private equity funds with significant holdings in intelligence enterprises. Veritas Capital (V's note: here) where Armitage served as a senior adviser from 2005 to 2007, owns intelligence consultant McNeil Technologies Inc. and DynCorp International, an important security contractor in Iraq. For a time, Veritas also owned MZM, Inc., the CIA and defense intelligence contractor that was caught -- before the Veritas acquisition -- bribing former Republican Congressman Randy "Duke" Cunningham.

In 2007, Armitage, along with several Veritas executives, moved over to DC Capital Partners, an intelligence-oriented buyout firm with some $200 million in assets. One of its first acquisitions after Armitage came on board was Omen Inc., a Maryland company that provides information technology and consulting services to the NSA. The fund has since combined Omen with two other intelligence contractors to form a new company called National Interests Security Company LLC, which has 850 employees, more than half of them holding top secret or higher security clearances.

Through his own eponymous consulting firm, Armitage has lobbied on behalf of L-3 Communications Inc., one of the nation's largest intelligence contractors, to help it sell anti-submarine surveillance systems to Taiwan. L-3, like ManTech, is also heavily involved in Iraq. (Further topping off Armitage's investment interests in the war: He sits on the board of directors of ConocoPhillips, which is aiming to become a major player in Iraq's energy industry through a joint venture with Russia's Lukoil.)

In these jobs, former high-level officials like Armitage continue to fight terrorist threats and protect the "homeland," as they once did while working in government. But by fusing their political careers with business, these former officials have brought money-making into the highest reaches of national security. They have created a new class of capitalist policy-makers that is bridging the gap between public policy and private business in ways that are unprecedented in American history.

Next page: With former CIA director George Tenet on the team, said one CEO, "a phone call gets us in to see whoever we want"

Take the case of George Tenet, who retired in 2004 from his service as President Bush's CIA director. As he was writing his memoirs and preparing for a new career as a professor at Georgetown University, Tenet quietly began cutting deals with companies that earn much of their revenues from contracts with the intelligence community. And, as I was the first to report a year ago in Salon, Tenet began to make big money off of the Iraq war. By the end of 2007, he had made nearly $3 million in directors' fees and other compensation from his service as a director and adviser to four companies that provide the U.S. government with technology, equipment and personnel used for the war in Iraq, as well as in the broader war on terror.

Those companies include L-1 Identity Solutions Inc., an intelligence and biometric conglomerate that holds a near-monopoly on software that identifies people by their fingerprints and facial characteristics; Guidance Software, a Pasadena, Calif., supplier of investigation and forensic software to the FBI and the Intelligence Community; and the Analysis Corp., a Fairfax, Va., intelligence contractor founded by Tenet's former chief of staff, John Brennan. Brennan himself went into the spy business after serving as chairman of the National Counterterrorism Center -- which is one of the Analysis Corp.'s biggest clients.

In Tenet's most prestigious position, he was the only American director of QinetiQ, the British defense research company that was privatized in 2003 and acquired by the well-connected Carlyle Group. Earlier this year, Tenet left QinetiQ's UK parent to join the board of QinetiQ North America, the company's U.S. subsidiary and one of the fastest-growing contractors in the U.S. intelligence market. There, Tenet is working with CEO Duane P. Andrews, a former assistant secretary of defense who was the chief intelligence adviser to Dick Cheney when he was Secretary of Defense in the early 1990s. (Prior to joining QinetiQ, Andrews would have had plenty of contact with Tenet, as Andrews was a senior executive with Science Applications International Corp., a major CIA and NSA contractor.

In January, QinetiQ North America expanded its intelligence network by hiring Stephen Cambone, who was the assistant secretary of defense for intelligence under Donald Rumsfeld, as its vice president for strategy. That appointment came just days after the company won a $30 million, five-year contract to provide unspecified "security services" to the Pentagon's Counter-Intelligence Field Activity office, a controversial domestic security agency that was created by Rumsfeld and Cambone in 2002 and later took heat from Congress for illegally spying on antiwar and religious activists.

One of the most spectacular transitions from intelligence to business took place at Blackwater USA, the security contractor infamous for its trigger-happy soldiers in Iraq. One of Blackwater's first major contracts, negotiated by founder Erik Prince, was a secret no-bid $5.4 million deal with the CIA signed shortly after the September 11 terrorist attacks. Shortly thereafter, Blackwater hired as its vice chairman Cofer Black, the CIA's former top counterterrorism official who was dispatched by Tenet in the days after 9/11 to brief President Bush and his advisers on the CIA's plans for overthrowing the Taliban in Afghanistan. Rob Richer, the CIA's former Associate Deputy Director of Operations and, before that, head of its Near East division, became Blackwater's Vice President of Intelligence, and later went to work for a private intelligence company.

Appointments like this, observes intelligence expert Steven Aftergood, reflect the "incestuous" relationships that exist between former officials and private intelligence contractors. "It's unseemly, and what's worse is that it has become normal," he told me after the news broke about Stephen Cambone's move to QinetiQ. "The problem is not so much a conflict of interest as it is a coincidence of interests -- the Intelligence Community and the contractors are so tightly intertwined at the leadership level that their interests, practically speaking, are identical."

Former high-ranking officials bring tremendous value to a government contractor seeking new work or a private equity fund looking for companies to buy. "You understand the decision-making process inside the Beltway, and that is liquid gold," says Roger Cressey, who worked in President Clinton's National Security Council as deputy director of counterterrorism and is now a partner in Good Harbor Consulting, a company he founded with his former boss at the NSC, Richard Clarke. Cressey, who is a terrorism consultant for NBC News, adds that the influence of a retired official lasts only a limited period of time after he or she leaves office. "You have 18 to 24 months to translate your rolodex into real services," he says

But the value of a CIA director or national security official goes much further than a rolodex. Because high-ranking officials have been privy to classified and top-secret information for years -- and sometimes, in the cases of people like Armitage and Tenet, decades -- they have details about intelligence programs, classified operations and the internal affairs of other countries that few others can claim.

Armitage, who was a senior Pentagon official during the Reagan administration, was deeply involved in covert operations in Vietnam as a Navy officer and, shortly after September 11, flew to Pakistan on behalf of the Bush administration to deliver a stark message to its military president, Pervez Musharraf, that drastic measures would follow if Musharraf did not support the war on terror. He also led an influential group of U.S. officials who quietly pushed the Japanese government to adopt a more militaristic role in global affairs over the last seven years.

In all of these tasks, Armitage would have had access to the most classified intelligence available to U.S. officials, including telephone intercepts provided by the NSA. That kind of experience is extremely valuable to a company like ManTech, which sells and operates signals intelligence systems to the NSA and provides "cyber and physical security" for U.S. embassies and consulates around the world. According to ManTech CEO George J. Pedersen, who also employed Armitage as an adviser during the 1990s, Armitage was brought on as a director for his "enormous insight into our corporation's capabilities and operations." (Armitage did not respond to a written request for an interview.)

Tenet is even more connected: With the former CIA director on board, L-1's CEO Robert LaPenta told analysts last year, "a phone call gets us in to see whoever we want." Tenet, of course, has extensive knowledge about intelligence services in Saudi Arabia, the UK and Pakistan as well as secret operations in Iraq, Afghanistan and Somalia. His insights have already helped L-1 in its acquisition strategies. Shortly after Tenet joined L-1's board, the company acquired one of the CIA's hottest contractors, SpecTal, which has 300 employees with top-secret security clearances who work extensively in Afghanistan. Months before, during a 2006 meeting with L-1 executives about SpecTal's potential business in that country, Tenet urged company executives to "call the SpecTal guys" because "they know everybody in every one of these ministries that you need to go talk to," according to LaPenta. L-1 not only called them; it bought them out, and has since combined SpecTal with its latest acquisition, Advanced Concepts Inc., a systems engineering firm holding contracts at the NSA. Tenet, through a spokesman, declined to comment.

Next page: As one former top spook put it, America's "shadow" intelligence community has "more former secretaries of this and directors of that" than the entire government

Power also flows out of a former high-ranking official's presence as a policy-maker. During the 1990s, when Armitage was building his reputation as a private consultant and defense industry adviser, he was a member of President Clinton's Defense Policy Board. Although Armitage, like any board member, was prohibited from divulging contents of meetings with his clients, the internal discussions and access to classified documents helped shape the advice he gave his clients. That's certainly the impression one gets from officials at CACI International, a key intelligence contractor where Armitage served on the board of directors during that time. During his tenure as a director in the 1990s, CACI officials wrote in 2001, Armitage provided "valuable guidance on CACI's strategic growth plans and the federal government and Defense Department markets."

The same can be said of many of Armitage's contemporaries in the defense and intelligence industries who advise their clients while holding positions in government advisory boards at the Pentagon, the CIA and the NSA. One of Armitage's fellow directors at ManTech, for example, is Retired Admiral David E. Jeremiah. He is a member of President Bush's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board and a paid adviser to the National Reconnaissance Office, the super-secret agency that manages the nation's spy satellites. A third ManTech director, Richard J. Kerr, a 32-year veteran of the CIA, led a 2005 study for the CIA into the agency's prewar assessments of Iraq and its weapons of mass destructionne of the most representative figures in America's new private intelligence elite is Joan A. Dempsey. She is currently a vice president of Booz Allen Hamilton, where for the last three years she has worked alongside former CIA director Jim Woolsey and more than 1,000 other former intelligence officers. Dempsey, a steely-looking blonde, began her career as a naval technician listening to Soviet bomber and submarine traffic at Misawa Air Base in Japan, a key NSA listening post. Over the years, she slowly worked her way up the intelligence chain of command at the Pentagon, from Naval Intelligence to the Defense Intelligence Agency. In 1997, she was appointed deputy assistant secretary of defense for intelligence and security in the Clinton administration, the highest civilian intelligence position in the Department of Defense at the time. There, she had responsibility over the NSA, the NGA and the NRO, the three national collection agencies controlled by the Pentagon, as well as the DoD's tactical command, control, communications and intelligence (C3I) efforts.

By 1999, Dempsey had become George Tenet's representative to the rest of the Intelligence Community as the CIA's director of community management. In that position in 1999 she won the everlasting support of the Intelligence Community -- and its growing army of contractors -- when she led negotiations with the Republican-led Congress that added $1.2 billion to the intelligence budget. That figure still remains one of the largest single-year increases in the history of the National Foreign Intelligence Program. Five years later, partly in recognition of this feat, Dempsey was given the William O. Baker award for meritorious intelligence service by the Security Affairs Support Association (SASA), which from 1979 to 2005 represented the largest prime contractors at the NSA and the CIA. Her remarks at that ceremony serve as a kind of leitmotif for the outsourcing phenomenon in intelligence.

In her acceptance speech, Dempsey paid effusive praise to the corporations she had known over the years, many of whom had purchased tables for the event: General Dynamics, Essex Corporation, Oracle Corporation, Computer Sciences Corporation, AT&T Government Solutions, ManTech and Lockheed Martin. She thanked her "Pentagon friends" from L-3 Communications, with whom she had worked "on my favorite program of all time, the U-2" spy plane. She spoke of her pride in working with the Boeing Company on the Future Imagery Architecture, a $4 billion project by the NRO and the NGA to build and operate the next generation of imagery satellites (the project was cancelled in 2005). At the CIA, Dempsey said, she had "benefited enormously" from her work with Booz Allen Hamilton and SAIC.

Then she went slightly off-script: "I like to call Booz Allen the shadow IC," she said, using the common acronym for the intelligence community, because it has "more former secretaries of this and directors of that" than the entire government. That must have caused some chuckles at the lead table, where Woolsey was sitting. But Dempsey, of course, got the last laugh. Fifteen months later, she joined the "shadow IC" herself as a vice president. In her job at Booz Allen, she "provides strategy consulting services to the US government, including the national security and civil sectors, as well as commercial industry," according to company spokesperson George Farrar. Then, in January 2007, Dempsey's joke came full circle when Mike McConnell, her boss at Booz Allen, was appointed Director of National Intelligence. In the space of a few years, Booz Allen had been transformed from a "shadow" intelligence community player into the real thing.

It was most intriguing, then, to hear what Dempsey is actually doing in her new job at Booz Allen. In the spring of 2006, Dempsey was invited to speak to a seminar on intelligence reform at Harvard University. In a remarkably candid speech, Dempsey disclosed that her office at Booz Allen was evaluating the entire decision-making process within the intelligence community. Under her supervision, she said, Booz Allen was "studying the implications of the many decisions that are being made on a daily basis right now all over the intelligence community," including by the staff of the Office of the Director of National Intelligence. "No one has thought through the implications of those decisions in a strategic or aggregate sense for the future," she added. So Booz Allen is helping out by "trying to forecast" what these decisions "mean for the intelligence community of the future -- what it's going to look like, how it's going to operate -- along a trend line."

It was a remarkable circumstance: Booz Allen was conducting a study for the DNI, a position that was about to be filled by one of the company's own -- Mike McConnell. The shadow IC was now helping the real IC prepare for an immediate future when the real IC would be led by the shadow IC. This was more than a revolving door: The private and the public sides of intelligence were now sharing the same room.

Update on Special Prosecutor filings via Joe Wilson

I am not waiting for Zbignew's puppet Obama to come to power.

There must be a WAR CRIMES tribunal. The jerks with the money sure don't want it, but it must happen, as America must NEVER slip this low again.

But I am posting this as I like the graphics!


Bush at Center of Intelligence Leak

(The Intelligence Daily) – Attorneys and current and former White House officials close to the investigation into the leak of covert CIA operative Valerie Plame Wilson said Thursday that President Bush gave Vice President Dick Cheney the authorization in mid-June 2003 to disclose a portion of the highly sensitive National Intelligence Estimate to Washington Post reporter Bob Woodward and former New York Times reporter Judith Miller.

These current and former White House officials are among the 36 witnesses who have testified before a grand jury and have been cooperating with the special counsel’s probe since its inception.

The officials, some of whom are attorneys close to the case, added that more than two dozen emails that the vice president’s office said it recently discovered and handed over to leak investigators in February show that President Bush was kept up to date about the circumstances surrounding the effort to discredit former Ambassador Joseph Wilson.

Details of President Bush’s involvement in the effort to counter the former ambassador’s claims came in a court document filed late Wednesday evening in US District Court in Washington by Special Prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald, which was first reported by the New York Sun newspaper.

President Bush retained a private attorney when he was interviewed in the leak probe two years ago, specifically about whether he knew about it or had authorized it.

According to four attorneys who over the past two days have read a transcript of the President Bush’s interview with investigators, Bush did not disclose to either investigators or the special counsel that he had authorized Cheney or any other administration official to leak portions of the NIE to Woodward and Miller or any other reporter. Rather, these people said the president said he frowned upon “selective leaks.”

Bush also said during the interview two years ago that he had no prior knowledge that anyone on his staff had been involved in a campaign to discredit Wilson or that individuals retaliated against the former ambassador by leaking his wife’s undercover identity to reporters.

The Probable Cause to Charge Dick Cheney for Mass Murder, Terrorism, and High Treason

Bush has been successful in preventing accountability, so far. The next US Administration has a responsibility to restore the US Constitution and apply the laws of TREASON and SUBVERSION to every illegal act “authorized” by George W. Bush and Dick Cheney.

Americans are complicit. We bo
ught the lies. We allow Fox News to be Bush’s personal propaganda outlet.
We became willing victims of distractions manufactured by the ‘dis-information‘ machine and twisted marketing geniuses. Bush has proven Adolph Hitler correct. Mein Kampf translated into Bush Doctrine has been hiding in plain sight. The foundations of Bush Strategy lay in the old Oxford Group and Moral Re-Armament dogma.
Americans do not have the attention span, anymore, to research the roots of our pain. We just attack the pain. We do not know how to heal ourselves … so we self-destruct as we look to simplistic knee-jerk solutions. We have identified with our abductors.
The clock is ticking they will be out of office soon!

Here we go, another fine George BuZh special: Brianna Waters

It's been mentioned to me, that I sometimes post without giving SOLUTIONS. In this particular case,

I have a SOLUTION: put the FBI on trial instead.

The domestic behavior of the FBI is a serious calamity (ask me, I KNOW).

I am not advocating environmental terrorism; I am for EDUCATION for that is the way we get over ignorance, stoppidity and greed and the apathy that supports it.

Unfortunately, as has been pointed out, the North American universities have been subverted, becoming places of corporate research and not truly dedicated to teaching; something that is now going to take a long time to "cure". And it doesn't suprise me that students get "waylaid" instead of taking a longer term view.

But BuZh's FBI is so wildly out of control, the distrust of American society SO high, nearly anything that happens with the confines of the US shouldn't come a great shock to anyone.

It will be more than "interesting" to see the verdict handed down in the Briana Waters' trial. The entire world that reads is watching !

I spent the afternoon reading the trial testimony; surely surely this is a very bad trial and there are still questions to be answered. (*Also note: it isn't mentioned in the article don't mention that the arson was because there was research being done on GM trees .. but they might lose their Monsanto advertising, eh?)

Meanwhile the real environmental TERRORISTS go free. It was sickening to watch the grilling of the head of the EPA in CONgress this week - and then watch him waltz off and continue to get paid taxpayer dollars! Thanks so much, Henry Waxman !

All this to preserve a corrupt and ridiculous election; predetermined by computer chips.

Of course, we've ALL given up on impeachment by now.

Let the war crimes trials begin - and let it start with the environmental CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY perpetrated and funded by the US CONgress and inflicted on us ALL by the neocons.

Veegermatic (sitting in the courtroom in absentia)

Sentencing postponed in UW arson case

05:39 PM PDT on Friday, May 30, 2008
By Staff


A judge on Friday postponed the sentencing for Briana Waters, pictured here at a previous hearing.

SEATTLE – A judge on Friday postponed indefinitely the sentencing for Briana Waters, who was convicted in March after a jury trial of assisting in the 2001 arson at the University of Washington Center for Urban Horticulture.

The judge ordered that Waters must remain in custody pending further orders from the court.

A spokesperson for the U.S. Attorney's Office expects a new date for the sentencing will be set next week.

Earlier in the day, the defense filed a motion asking for a postponement and asking that Waters be allowed to be free on bail.

The defense said that newly discovered information regarding one of the witnesses at the trial raised questions that required further investigation.

Joseph Wilson comments on the Scott McClellan Book


Q&A: Joseph Wilson

The Former Ambassador Reacts To Scott McClellan's New Book
Tammy Haddad spoke with former Ambassador Joseph Wilson for the May 30 edition of "National Journal On Air." This is a transcript of their conversation.

Q: Joe, my first question is, have you read Scott McClellan’s book yet, or have you seen any of his interviews?

Wilson: Well, I haven’t read the book. I’ve seen a couple of the excerpts that have been published, and I’ve seen a couple of his interviews.

Q: And what’s your first reaction?

Wilson: Well, I think he’s handled himself very well. This is part of American history. It’s contemporary, and I think it’s an important new piece to our understanding of the Bush administration and the machinations that it put our society through.

Q: You watched him, almost every day for a couple of years, talk about your wife, about you, about this case. What did you think when you saw him for the first time giving another part of the story?

Wilson: Well, my initial reaction was the same reaction I had to [former chief of staff to the secretary of state] Larry Wilkerson, [former CIA analyst] Paul Pillar, and [Washington Post reporter] Tom Ricks and some of the others when they kind of came to their senses on this: Where were you when it counted? You should’ve been out there then, making the case that you are making now. We would’ve been better served by that. That said, I understand people work on their own timelines, and I am just glad that he’s got it out now.

I’m amused, by the way, that when he takes the press on for not having been vigorous enough, what does the press do but bring out to rebut him the old administration liars and traitors that we’ve known for many years, including Ari Fleischer and Karl Rove.

Q: Are you surprised at the vehemence and the counter-response, I should say, to his book?

Wilson: Of course not, because I witnessed this in my own case over the article I wrote in the New York Times. I think Scott is just lucky that his wife is not a covert officer in the CIA, otherwise she would’ve been compromised as well.

Q: Did Valerie see the interviews? What did she think?

Wilson: I don’t know. I haven’t talked to her about it. She’s on the other side of the country. She’s in New York and traveling back today. We’ll have a chance to chat about it over the weekend.

Q: Well, I wanted to read a couple quotes from Scott’s book, since you haven’t read it, and get your reaction. On page 228, he’s talking about the CIA leak investigation -- he calls it “The Plame Affair,” by the way. He calls her Valerie Plame. In fact, if you look at the index of the book, it’s an entire page. You’re still fighting about what her name is, right?

Wilson: Her name is Valerie Wilson. It’s been Valerie Wilson since we got married.

Q: Well, it hasn’t changed in Scott’s book, however. I’m going to quote, this is Scott talking: "I imagine some people slipped at times, and found themselves complaining about their hours before the grand jury or gossiping about whodunit. On a few occasions, even the president couldn’t help himself. I remember hearing him in the Oval or on Air Force One, grousing about having to hire an attorney, and about the atmospherics of being questioned." Can you respond to that?

Wilson: Well, I don’t know what to say about that. The president has demonstrated, through commuting [Scooter] Libby’s sentence, that he is, at a minimum, an accessory to an ongoing obstruction of justice. The only question that I would like to ask the president is, what did you know about this before it happened? Scott apparently also answers part of that by saying that the president admitted to him that he had authorized the selective leak of intelligence through Libby to [former New York Times reporter] Judy Miller, which may well have been Valerie’s name.

Q: Well, do you think that your civil case would have ended differently if this information had been out before?

Wilson: I have no idea. Our case, by the way, is in the Court of Appeals now, and we’re not letting this drop. We think that the U.S. justice system would be ill-advised to actually establish a precedent permitting public officials to engage in private political vendettas on the taxpayers' dime. That’s the principle we’re trying to establish with this, and we will carry this as far forward as we can in order to get that principle established.

Q: Let me keep reading: "From the outset of the investigation, the president had made a decision not to pursue the matter internally." He’s confirming that the president didn’t want anything looked into, and as you just mentioned, also the fact that the president in a nonchalant way revealed to Scott that he had specifically authorized the declassification of the NIE for the explicit purpose of the vice president and company to defend against your charges.

Wilson: Right, and the fact that is so shocking to me is that there was no internal investigation. As Claude Rains said in Casablanca, “I’m shocked, I’m shocked.” This is an utterly corrupt and utterly bankrupt administration, and the fact that the press still gives it any sort of credibility whatsoever -- and Scott mentions this in his book -- is surprising to me. And I think it’s a real low point -- one, in the administration of this country, and two, in the willingness of the press corps to take it on.

Q: Well, here’s my other question about that. Because he goes on on a couple pages on how my old NBC colleague, David Gregory, [ABC News reporter] Terry Moran, [CBS News reporter] Bill Plante and other White House correspondents went out and defended him, saying he’s doing the best job he can in that position. Did you think that was appropriate?

Wilson: Well, I was really struck by some of the comments I’ve heard in the last couple of days which basically say, Scottie, now you tell us. Which reaffirms to me that for many of the members of the White House press corps, simply being a stenographer and listening to what the spokesman says at the podium is sufficient for them to earn their salaries. When in fact, investigative journalism requires that you actually trust, but verify and go to other sources, and I think that’s where the press really let us down.

I said to somebody the other day, if you just do a Google search of how many times Scowcroft, Wilson, Zinni, Baker, Wes Clark, were on discussing the run-up to the war, versus Perle, Feith, Mr. Cakewalk -- whatever his name is, I can’t remember his name offhand -- but some of these other neocons, I think you would easily see that the realists in this debate were overwhelmed by the ideologues. And, indeed, I think there have been a number of press services that have acknowledged that they were caught up in the fervor of sort of being more patriotic then their competitors.

Q: Well, did you feel like that, Joe? Because I was working at MSNBC when you first came out -- after you wrote the column and came out and talked about it. And I know a lot of reporters were talking to you and were really interested in what you had to say. I mean, in many ways, had you not come forward, none of this would’ve happened. But now you’ve got a guy within the White House doing the exact same thing and getting completely killed for it by his own folks. We had Terry McAuliffe -- which the listeners will hear coming up on the show a little bit later -- and he said there is absolutely no excuse for anyone working with the president or anyone in power to come forward and tell tales out of school. Mr. McAuliffe is your friend, right?

Wilson: I know Terry. I know him quite well. I disagree with that assessment. I understand the concern and actually share it about telling tales out of school, but this administration has operated so far out of the parameters of normal American political behavior as to be, in my judgment, legitimately suspected of engaging in a criminal enterprise. And so, if you look at it in that context, then any and all information from the inside is useful to our understanding just how badly they have subverted our democracy.

Q: When you hear about this -- and I’ve already heard your comments about how you applaud Scott for coming forward -- but aren’t you a little angry that he didn’t quit? Because if he had quit, everyone would’ve looked at this so differently.

Wilson: Well, I preface my answer to that by saying my first response to him is the same response I’ve had to people like Larry Wilkerson and Paul Pillar -- the CIA and Wilkerson was [Colin] Powell’s aide -- where were you when it counted? You should’ve come forward when it counted. We might have been able to stop this crazy invasion. We might have been able to actually put some sanity back in the discussion of what our national security policy and approach should be, and they didn’t. They went along, and they quit later.

The only people who were out there prior to the war... And by the way, the debate on the war didn't split on partisan lines. It split largely along lines of the realist first Gulf War, like myself, and the ideologues -- those who had some fantasies that one, we really did have to worry about chemical and biological weapons and nuclear programs to the extent we had to invade, conquer and occupy sovereign nations, to those who actually believe in the concept that a madman and bad man is worthy of our military response.

Q: I have to turn over now to Karl Rove -- which there is so much time spent on talking about the fact that McClellan had gone out and defended Rove after he specifically asked him that the president... that Rove had told the president he wasn't involved. And I've got to lead you over to page 261, where in this one page he talks about how Karl Rove apologized to him. I'll read: "I received a phone call from Rove." This is after one of the really controversial briefings. Quote: "I just want to say I'm sorry for what you're going through." And then later that day, Rove in a meeting with the other senior staff said, "I am so sorry." And then later on, he actually wrote a note to him, leaving it on his chair at the White House, saying, "I'm so sorry for what you're going through." What's your reaction to that?

Wilson: Well, you know, Karl Rove is a liar. Karl Rove is a traitor. Karl Rove is actively subverting the republic of the United States of America, and yet Karl Rove is still welcome on TV programs. He has not been driven out of town. He is still given space on newspapers, and until such time as Karl Rove is recognized for what he is and shunned, he should actually be put in stocks in the public square so that people can walk by and throw tomatoes at him for the damage that he has done to this country and the way we govern ourselves and, frankly, for the damage he has done to the Republican brand.

Q: Well, he's still out there, though. What do you do, Joe, when you see -- I hear what you're saying -- but there he is on FOX, he's working for Newsweek. He's out there. He's Mr. Pundit. He's everywhere you could ever want to be -- Wall Street Journal. What do you think of the fact that he has made a tradition like none before him? And I'm sure he's making big bucks, too.

Wilson: Well, I'm sure he is. I'm sure he's cashing in. I don't watch him. There is nothing that he has to say that is of any interest to me. In fact, I read about 12 news sources every day, and 10 of them are non-American, and the only two American news sources I read are the International Herald Tribune and then I glance at the Washington Post to see what sort of idiocies they're up to.

Q: Doesn't it bother you, though, that he is out there, that he was embraced so quickly -- and such a strong, firm embrace?

Wilson: I think it says a lot for the state of American journalism. I really do. I honestly believe that they have sold out, and the idea that somebody who is an admitted liar, and somebody who is quite literally responsible for compromising the national security of my country -- it just tells you where the right wing is.

Q: Are you going to call for the reopening of the leak investigation?

Wilson: Well, I heard Scott say last night that everything that is in his book he shared with a special prosecutor. So I suspect that this in and of itself will not cause the reopening of the case. What would've caused the case to go forward would've been had Libby been obliged to actually do hard time in taking the fall for [Dick] Cheney. That might have encouraged him to be more truthful.

Q: One more item... There is an anecdote in the book -- which I believe he's talked about on television, so maybe you've seen it -- about how he saw Karl Rove and Scooter Libby go off in a room together and have a private conversation. And he is straight up about the fact that he's not sure what they talked about. Do you have any evidence, have you ever heard anything, that confirms that they worked together -- this is, once the investigators started -- to get their stories straight or together, or to talk about the case in any inappropriate way which is a violation of law?

Wilson: I don't, other than what Scott has just mentioned. And, of course, one of the things we hoped to do with our civil suit is be able to put these guys under oath -- that, of course, if we were to get them under oath, we'd be able to compare their answers to our depositions to their grand jury testimony -- the special prosecutor would do that. That might bring them under another sort of criminal vulnerability.

Q: Thank you, Joe Wilson, for being with us on "National Journal On Air."

WAR CRIMES DOSSIER: Omar Khadr torture tape sought in Canada

Release sought of Khadr interrogation footage

From Saturday's Globe and mail

Canadian intelligence agents were videotaped as they questioned a 16-year-old prisoner held in Guantanamo Bay, and a court battle is brewing to force disclosure of the footage.

A videotaped interrogation of Omar Khadr over three days, conducted seven months after he was shot and captured in Afghanistan, has been kept secret for five years. Yet efforts are under way to force government officials to release four DVDs containing the recordings that may yield insights into the secrets of the U.S. prison camp and one of Canada's more ethically fraught investigations.

“There is a strong public interest in seeing first-hand the effect this terrible ordeal has had upon a young Canadian citizen,” said Nathan Whitling, a Khadr family lawyer who hopes a recent Supreme Court of Canada ruling will allow him to obtain and circulate DVDs showing the February, 2003, interviews.

The footage was publicly mentioned for the first time in a Guantanamo Bay proceeding this spring, said Mr. Whitling, a dual citizen fighting for his client in both Canada and the United States. Until then, he said, only privileged parties knew about the recordings.

The military commission prosecuting Mr. Khadr in the death of a U.S. soldier in Afghanistan may or may not air edited portions of the footage, Mr. Whitling said. But because U.S. copies are unlikely to travel from coastal Cuba or Washington agencies, he will be fighting in court to push Canadian officials to release any copies they retained.

The Globe and Mail and CTV on Friday filed a joint motion seeking to intervene and argue that the footage should be widely released. “The public disclosure, to the greatest extent possible, of the records and videotapes detailing the interviews Canadian officials had with Omar Khadr is of the utmost importance,” said Peter Jacobsen, a lawyer who recently represented The Globe and Mail in a bid to reveal a $500,000 (U.S.) bounty the United States paid for the capture of one of Mr. Khadr's brothers.

The Supreme Court of Canada last week ruled that federal officials breached Omar Khadr's rights by travelling to a military prison that operates outside the continental United States. No one has ever suggested the Canadians mistreated the prisoner, but the top court found it was wrong for the agents to visit a prison camp eventually found to be “illegal under both U.S. and international law.”

Because the contents of the interviews were shared with U.S. prosecutors, the Supreme Court last week ordered that Canada must now also release all relevant records to the Khadr defence. The Federal Court of Canada is to vet materials in coming weeks to make sure nothing is disclosed that compromises national security.

Canadian officials have not acknowledged they have copies of the DVDs, but will likely argue that any footage is the fruit of a sensitive intelligence investigation – and its release for public consumption could poison international intelligence relationships.

Arguments over the rights of the accused to see sensitive state information are bogging down terrorism-related prosecutions in Guantanamo Bay and beyond.

The Pentagon this week removed the U.S. military judge in the Khadr case after he threatened to suspend proceedings if prosecutors withheld evidence. The director of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service has recently complained that the “judicialization” of intelligence practices is lifting the “veil of secrecy” over agencies like CSIS.

CSIS's intelligence interviews, in general, are legally designed to be kept out of court, but this is being challenged. Today, the 21-year-old Mr. Khadr is becoming a political cause célèbre, even though his case was politically untouchable a few years ago. Still, he was held in higher esteem by security agencies for his “intelligence value.”

Raised in Taliban-controlled Afghanistan, he was offered up by his father – since eulogized as a “martyr” for al-Qaeda – as a translator for insurgents. In 2002, the teen survived a 500-pound bomb blast and three bullet wounds when he was captured during the deadly battle in which he is alleged to have killed a U.S. soldier.

After Mr. Khadr was sent to Guantanamo, the Pentagon invited Canadian agents to come down to further their own investigations.

Court documents show that a CSIS official and a Department of Foreign Affairs official involved in the interviews brought gifts of Big Macs and chocolate bars to try to induce Mr. Khadr to talk. It is unclear what intelligence was garnered, but the agents did carry back some sympathy. An internal DFAIT memo described Mr. Khadr as a “thoroughly ‘screwed up' young man,” whose trust had been abused by just about everyone, including “his parents and grandparents, his associates in Afghanistan, and fellow detainees.”

And now, Canada's top court has ruled that the agents themselves abused the trust Mr. Khadr was entitled to place in his country of citizenship, meaning the recordings of these conversations could emerge depending on what the Federal Court decides.

Images matter profoundly in the U.S.-led war on terrorism. Footage casting Mr. Khadr in a negative light has been aired on CBS's 60 Minutes. A video first recovered by the U.S. military in Afghanistan showed al-Qaeda fighters filming themselves in anticipation of a U.S. assault – and a pre-battle Mr. Khadr apparently helping to build bombs.


From Eileen Dannemann: This is a very important WHISTLEBLOWER. I urge you to watch this video for yourselves.

I thought it was so important to inspire you to see this video that I Excerpted, herein, from the video

About the Author

Lindsey Williams, who has been an ordained Baptist minister for 28 years, went to Alaska in 1971 as a missionary. The Transalaska oil pipeline began its construction phase in 1974, and because of Mr. Williams' love for his country and concern for the spiritual welfare of the "pipeliners," he volunteered to serve as Chaplain on the pipeline, with the subsequent full support of the Alyeska Pipeline Company.

Because of the executive status accorded to him as Chaplain, he was given access to the information that is documented in this book.

After numerous public speaking engagements in the western states, certain government officials and concerned individuals urged Mr. Williams to put into print what he saw and heard, stating that they felt this information was vital to national security. Mr. Williams firmly believes that whoever controls energy controls the economy. Thus, The Energy Non-Crisis.

Because of the outstanding public response that has been generated by this book, Lindsey Williams is in great demand for speaking engagements, radio, and TV shows.
The Energy Non-Crisis book by Lindsey Williams

From Eileen Dannemann: Excerpts from the video

Lindsey Williams talks about his first hand knowledge of Alaskan oil reserves larger than any on earth. And he talks about how the oil companies and U.S. government won't send it through the pipeline for U.S. citizens to use.
Cost to bring a barrel of crude oil out of ground (not including transportation)

Saudi Arabia: $5.00
North slope of Alaska…out of ground: $3.00 a barrel

The oil crisis is a designed plan. This plan has been developing for over 30 years. Lindsay Williams, the Chaplain on the Alaska pipeline was privy to the board meetings. The board members of the oil companies determine the prices and tell the oil producing countries what that will be.

Washington, DC politicians scared to death to tell the truth. ie: What happened to JFK; to McDonald on flight 0007; George Hansen (Congressman)…his family destroyed.

Henry Kissinger's deal with the Middle East Oil Producers, 60s and 70s. He traveled to all the oil producing nations in the world.

The deal:
• America will buy oil from the Arab nations and insure that they will amass great wealth and be Shakes and Sheiks.
The Oil nation's must:
• Denominate all oil sales in American dollars
• Take a certain percentage of the money to build infrastructure.
• Take a portion of the dollars and buy our national debt.

There were two countries that wouldn't sign

IRAQ (second largest oil field in the world)

IRAN (third largest oil field in the world)

Iraq: Sadham Hussein refused to sign. He was singled out. Bush Sr. had no choice but to destroy him.

Oil north slope of Alaska cannot be brought to refining because of this deal. We have more oil and natural gas on the north slope of Alaska than nearly any place in the world.

The standard currency of the world is oil..

If the US does not succeed in Iraq and Iran there will be much trouble. Gas prices are expected to rise over $6.00 to 7.00 a gallon if we do not expose this deal. If we pulled it out of our Alaska North slope it would be $1.50 a gallon at the pumps.

In the 70s Oil board members encouraged the Arab nations to buy gold/. Then, having been manipulated, the American oil executives determined that oil would go down form $32.00 a barrel to $10.00 a barrel; then gold crashed to $300

The price of the gasoline at the pump is a form of taxation imposed by "them". Who are they???
Lindsay knew 25 years ago. He sat with them; he listened to them. Who makes the money?

THE CHAIN: Any product there is: Manufacturer, wholesaler; in between man; to retailer; to consumer Who is the in between man? The video ends suddenly.

(I was married to a DARPA agent. EVERYTHING THIS MAN IS TRUE. The oil infrastructure needs to be upgraded, for sure. That is why we must provoke a Constitutional crisis and nationalize America's oil .. )

Mass Graves of Native Children Revealed across Canada

Posted by Eagle Strong Voice on Friday, May 30th at 8:08 AM

Mass Graves of Native Children Revealed across Canada

Location of Mass Graves of Children in Canada Revealed for the First Time; Catholic Pope issued Letter of Demand; Independent Tribunal Established

Squamish Nation Territory ("Vancouver, Canada")
Friday, April 18, 2008 1:00 am PST

At a public ceremony and press conference held yesterday in downtown Vancouver, the Friends and Relatives of the Disappeared (FRD) released a list of twenty eight mass graves across Canada holding the remains of untold numbers of aboriginal children who died in Indian Residential Schools,
most of them run by the Catholic Church.

The list was distributed today to the world media and to United Nations agencies, as the first act of the newly-formed International Human Rights Tribunal into Genocide in Canada (IHRTGC), a non-governmental body established by indigenous elders.

Catholic Pope Benedict was issued a Letter of Demand by the IHRTGC today requiring that he confirm or deny the death of thousands of children in these residential schools.

In a statement read by FRD spokesperson Eagle Strong Voice, it was declared that the IHRTGC will commence its investigations immediately. This inquiry will involve international human rights observers from Guatemala and Cyprus , and will convene aboriginal courts of justice where those persons and institutions responsible for the death and suffering of residential school children will be tried and sentenced. (The complete Statement and List of Mass Graves is reproduced below).

Eagle Strong Voice and IHRTGC elders will present the Mass Graves List at the United Nations on
April 19, and will ask United Nations agencies to protect and monitor the mass graves as part of a genuine inquiry and judicial prosecution of those responsible for this Canadian Genocide.

Eyewitness Sylvester Greene spoke to the media at today's event, and described how he helped bury a young Inuit boy at the United Church's Edmonton residential school in 1953.

"We were told never to tell anyone by Jim Ludford, the Principal, who got me and three other boys to bury him. But a lot more kids got buried all the time in that big grave next to the school."

For more information:, or write to the IHRTGC at:

Issued on Squamish Territory , 18 April, 2008, under the authority of Hereditary Chief Kiapilano.

Press Statement: April 17, 2008

Mass Graves of Residential School Children Identified – Independent Inquiry Launched

We are gathered today to publicly disclose the location of twenty eight mass graves of children who died in Indian Residential Schools across Canada , and to announce the formation of an independent, non-governmental inquiry into the death and disappearance of children in these schools.

We estimate that there are hundreds, and possibly thousands, of children buried in these grave sites alone.

The Catholic, Anglican and United Church , and the government of Canada
, operated the schools and hospitals where these mass graves are located. We therefore hold these institutions and their officers legally responsible and liable for the deaths of these children. (Church of Satan elements operating within these bodies?)

We have no confidence that the very institutions of church and state that are responsible for these deaths can conduct any kind of impartial or real inquiry into them. Accordingly, we are establishing an independent, non-governmental inquiry into the death and disappearance of Indian residential school children across Canada .

This inquiry shall be known as The International Human Rights Tribunal into Genocide in Canada (IHRTGC), and is established under the authority of the following hereditary chiefs, who shall serve as presiding judges of the Tribunal:

Hereditary Chief Kiapilano of the Squamish Nation

Chief Louis Daniels (Whispers Wind), Anishinabe Nation Chief Svnoyi Wohali (Night Eagle), Cherokee Nation

Lillian Shirt, Clan Mother, Cree Nation

Elder Ernie Sandy, Anishinabe (Ojibway) Nation

Hereditary Chief Steve Sampson, Chemainus Nation
Ambassador Chief Red Jacket of Turtle Island

Today, we are releasing to this Tribunal and to the people of the world the enclosed information on the location of mass graves connected to Indian residential schools and hospitals in order to prevent the destruction of this crucial evidence by the Canadian government, the RCMP and the Anglican, Catholic and United Church of Canada.

We call upon indigenous people on the land where these graves are located to monitor and protect these sites vigilantly, and prevent their destruction by occupational forces such as the RCMP and other government agencies.

Our Tribunal will commence by gathering all of the evidence, including forensic remains, that is necessary to charge and indict those responsible for the deaths of the children buried therein.

Once these persons have been identified and detained, they will be tried and sentenced in indigenous courts of justice established by our Tribunal and under the authority of hereditary chiefs.

As a first step in this process, the IHRTGC will present this list of mass graves along with a statement to the United Nations in New York City on April 19, 2008. The IHRTGC will be asking the United Nations to declare these mass graves to be protected heritage sites, (Heritage site is an odd designation – Memorial site would be more appropriate) and will invite international human rights observers to monitor and assist its work.

Issued by the Elders and Judges of the IHRTGC

Interim Spokesperson: Eagle Strong Voice

Email: pager: 1-888-265-1007

IHRTGC Sponsors include The Friends and Relatives of the Disappeared, The Truth Commission into Genocide in Canada, the Defensoria Indigena of Guatemala, Canadians for the Separation of Church and State, and a confederation of indigenous elders across Canada and Turtle Island.

Mass Graves at former Indian Residential Schools and Hospitals across Canada

. British Columbia

1. Port Alberni: Presbyterian-United Church school (1895-1973), now occupied by the Nuu-Chah-Nulth Tribal Council (NTC) office, Kitskuksis Road . Grave site is a series of sinkhole rows in hills 100 metres due west of the NTC building, in thick foliage, past an unused water pipeline. Children also interred at Tseshaht reserve cemetery, and in wooded gully east of Catholic cemetery on River Road .

2. Alert Bay : St. Michael’s Anglican school (1878-1975), situated on Cormorant Island offshore from Port McNeill. Presently building is used by Namgis First Nation. Site is an overgrown field adjacent to the building, and also under the foundations of the present new building, constructed during the 1960’s. Skeletons seen “between the walls”. (Catacombs?)

3. Kuper Island: Catholic school (1890-1975), offshore from Chemainus. Land occupied by Penelakut Band. Former building is destroyed except for a staircase. Two grave sites: one immediately south of the former building, (cardinal direction point south of former building) in a field containing a conventional cemetery; another at the west shoreline in a lagoon near the main dock.

4. Nanaimo Indian Hospital: Indian Affairs and United Church experimental facility (1942-1970) on Department of National Defense land. Buildings now destroyed. Grave sites are immediately east of former buildings on Fifth avenue , adjacent to and south of Malaspina College . (Why do many burial sites at cardinal direction points immediately east, west, north or south of schools?)

5. Mission: St. Mary’s Catholic school (1861-1984), adjacent to and north of Lougheed Highway and Fraser River Heritage Park . Original school buildings are destroyed, but many foundations are visible on the grounds of the Park.

In this area there are two grave sites: a) immediately adjacent to former girls’ dormitory and present cemetery for priests, and a larger mass grave in an artificial earthen mound, north of the cemetery among overgrown foliage and blackberry bushes, and b) east of the old school grounds, on the hilly slopes next to the field leading to the newer school building which is presently used by the Sto:lo First Nation. Hill site is 150 metres west of building.

6. North Vancouver: Squamish (1898-1959) and Sechelt (1912-1975) Catholic schools, buildings destroyed. Graves of children who died in these schools interred in the Squamish Band Cemetery , North Vancouver .

7. Sardis: Coqualeetza Methodist-United Church school (1889-1940), then experimental hospital run by federal government (1940-1969). Native burial site next to Sto:lo reserve and Little Mountain school, also possibly adjacent to former school-hospital building.

8. Cranbrook: St. Eugene Catholic school (1898-1970), recently converted into a tourist “resort” with federal funding, resulting in the covering-over of a mass burial site by a golf course in front of the building. Numerous grave sites are around and under this golf course.
9. Williams Lake : Catholic school (1890-1981), buildings destroyed but foundations intact, five miles south of city. Grave sites reported north of school grounds and under foundations of tunnel-like structure.

10. Meares Island (Tofino): Kakawis-Christie Catholic school (1898-1974). Buildings incorporated into Kakawis Healing Centre. Body storage room reported in basement, adjacent to burial grounds south of school.

11. Kamloops : Catholic school (1890-1978). Buildings intact. Mass grave south of school, adjacent to and amidst orchard. (Why so many burials under Numerous burials witnessed there

12. Lytton: St. George’s Anglican school (1901-1979). Graves of students flogged to death, and others, reported under floorboards and next to playground.

13. Fraser Lake : Lejac Catholic school (1910-1976), buildings destroyed. Graves reported under old foundations and between the walls.


1. Edmonton : United Church school (1919-1960), presently site of the Poundmaker Lodge in St. Albert . Graves of children reported south of former school site, under thick hedge that runs north-south, adjacent to memorial marker.

2. Edmonton : Charles Camsell Hospital (1945-1967), building intact, experimental hospital run by Indian Affairs and United Church . Mass graves of children from hospital reported south of building, near staff garden.
3. Saddle Lake : Bluequills Catholic school (1898-1970), building intact, skeletons and skulls observed in basement furnace. Mass grave reported adjacent to school.

4. Hobbema: Ermineskin Catholic school (1916-1973), five intact skeletons observed in school furnace. Graves under former building foundations.


1. Brandon : Methodist-United Church school (1895-1972). Building intact. Burials reported west of school building.

2. Portage La Prairie: Presbyterian-United Church school (1895-1950). Children buried at nearby Hillside Cemetery .

3. Norway House: Methodist-United Church school (1900-1974). “Very old” grave site next to former school building, demolished by United Church in 2004.


1. Thunder Bay : Lakehead Psychiatric Hospital , still in operation. Experimental centre. (Tavistock Institute or MK-ULTRA?) Women and children reported buried adjacent to hospital grounds.

2. Sioux Lookout: Pelican Lake Catholic school (1911-1973).
Burials of children in mound near to school. (Ritual Burial?)

3. Kenora: Cecilia Jeffrey school, Presbyterian-United Church (1900-1966). Large burial mound east of former school.

4. Fort Albany : St. Anne’s Catholic school (1936-1964).
Children killed in electric chair buried next to school. (Satanic ritual abuse?)

5. Spanish: Catholic school (1883-1965). Numerous graves.

6. Brantford : Mohawk Institute, Anglican church (1850-1969), building intact.
Series of graves in orchard behind school building, under rows of trees. (Ritual Burial?)

7. Sault Ste. Marie: Shingwauk Anglican school (1873-1969), some intact buildings. Several graves of children reported on grounds of old school.


1. Montreal : Allan Memorial Institute, McGill University , still in operation since opening in 1940. MKULTRA experimental centre. (Not my addition) Mass grave of children killed there north of building, on southern slopes of Mount Royal behind stone wall.


- Eyewitness accounts from survivors of these institutions, catalogued in Hidden from History: The Canadian Holocaust (2nd ed., 2005) by Kevin Annett. Other accounts are from local residents. See .

- Documents and other material from the Department of Indian Affairs RG 10 microfilm series on Indian Residential Schools in Koerner Library, University of B.C.

- Survey data and physical evidence obtained from grave sites in Port Alberni , Mission , and other locations.

This is a partial list and does not include all of the grave sites connected to Indian residential Schools and hospitals across Canada. In many cases, children who were dying of diseases were sent home to die by school and church officials, and the remains of other children who died at the school were incinerated in the residential school furnaces.

This information is submitted by The Friends and Relatives of the Disappeared (FRD) to the world media, the United Nations, and to the International Human Rights Tribunal into Genocide in Canada (IHRTGC). The IHRTGC will commence its investigations immediately across Canada and parts of the United States.

For more information on the independent inquiry into genocide in Canada being conducted by the IHRTGC, write to: or phone: 250-753-3345.

18 April, 2008

Squamish Nation Territory (“ Vancouver , Canada ”)