Director Judd ascribed an “Alice in Wonderland” worldview to Canadians and their courts, whose judges have tied CSIS “in knots,” making it ever more difficult to detect and prevent terror attacks in Canada and abroad. (…) He noted, however, that Hezbollah members, and their lawyers, were considering new avenues of litigation resulting from recent court rulings that, Judd complained, had inappropriately treated intelligence agencies like law enforcement bodies (refs A and C). The Director observed that CSIS was “sinking deeper and deeper into judicial processes,” making Legal Affairs the fastest growing division of his organization. Indeed, he added, legal challenges were becoming a “distraction” that could have a major “chill effect” on intelligence officials.
November 29, 2010
Canadian intelligence head criticized role of courts in anti-terrorism cases
August 09, 2008
Oh, bring on the terrorism propaganda NOW
The beginning of terrorism
An amateur training camp could be the beginning of indoctrination
Wesley Wark, Citizen Special
Published: Saturday, August 09, 2008Canada is in the midst of two major terrorism trials, something never before experienced in our history.
In Ottawa, the trial of Momin Khawaja resumes on Aug. 19 at which point it is widely anticipated that his defence counsel, Edward Greenspon, will finally show his hand. Greenspon is expected to urge that the charges against his client be dismissed for lack of evidence connecting him to a British plot to use fertilizer bombs against a host of civilian targets in and around London. The trial of the first of 11 alleged members of a Toronto terror cell that is alleged to have threatened to storm Parliament and to detonate a bomb on Front Street, home to both the CBC and the Toronto regional headquarters for CSIS, is in recess while the judge considers the charges.
In both trials, the involvement of the accused in terrorist training camps has emerged as critical evidence. Momin Khawaja attended a camp in Pakistan. While there he took part in weapons training and is alleged to have enjoyed the experience of firing off various pieces of armament. The accused in the Toronto case, who cannot be named because of a publication ban, found his training closer to home, in a couple of do-it-yourself camps, one near Orillia, the other at a conservation area in Rockwood, a small town west of Toronto.
View Larger ImageA bus destroyed by a bomb London in 2005: Wesley Wark asks at what point does the law delineate where training for terrorism crosses the line to become an illegal act?
Getty Images
Shaik's time on the witness stand proved a little frustrating to the Crown prosecutor in the case, as he gave an unexpected colour to his evidence by suggesting that the accused really knew little about the hidden reality of the training camp's purpose. Similarly, in the Khawaja case, while the fact of his presence at the Pakistani camp was not disputed, his defence lawyer has pointed out that he attended the camp only briefly (for three to four days), did not rendezvous there with the leader of the British terror cell, Omar Khyam, who visited the camp after Khawaja's departure, and took no part in the trail detonation of a bomb at the camp. Khawaja's lawyer has gone further and argued that he did not know the real purpose of the camp, believing that it was intended to train Muslim fighters for jihad in Afghanistan.
The evidence of attendance at terror training camps can seem in these two trials both damning and oddly exculpatory. This paradox goes to the heart of the modern day phenomenon of home-grown terrorism. Simply put, terrorism training camps are not quite what we might imagine them to be; they don't fit the televised image seared into our conscious after 9/11, of Osama bin Laden's legions being put through their paces in his Afghan camps. In both the Khawaja and Toronto cases, the camps attended could easily be derided as amateur (the Pakistani camp was disappointingly short of ammo for its one RPG; the Toronto cell had only one 9 mm. handgun to share among its members, who were instructed in gun safety measures by the omni-present Mubin Shaikh). Because amateur, they seem hard to take seriously. But this is to misunderstand their purpose. These camps are less about hard-core paramilitary training and more about bonding and indoctrination. They are the starting part of a journey for the jihadist warrior-to-be.
the rest can be found here.July 05, 2008
repost on the Maher Arar case (timely, eh?)
Canadian authorities complicit in Arar’s illegal detention and torture
By Keith Jones
18 November 2003
Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chrétien has condemned US authorities for their treatment of Maher Arar—the Syrian-born Canadian citizen whom the US deported to Syria so he could be detained without charge and tortured. “It is completely unacceptable and deplorable,” declared Chrétien the day after Arar had held a press conference to explain how US officials had deported him to Syria over his vehement objections and how in Syria he had been held in a tiny cell and savagely beaten.
Washington’s treatment of Arar was abhorrent and criminal. (See Washington’s practice of torture by proxy: the Maher Arar Case.) Chrétien’s denunciation of the conduct of US immigration and security officials, however, fits to a tee the old adage, “he doth protest too much.” Especially since Chrétien has categorically refused to call a public inquiry into the role Canadian authorities played in Arar’s ordeal.
US officials, including Secretary of State Colin Powell, have said that the US only detained Arar because Canadian police and security agencies—the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) and probably also the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS)—had identified him as a terrorist suspect. Yet Chrétien has brushed this aside, saying anything that happened to Arar was the fault of US immigration, police and intelligence agencies.
Arar became suspicious that he had been fingered by Canadian authorities when his US interrogators revealed an extensive knowledge of his life in Canada. “They were consulting a report while they were questioning me,” Arar told a November 4 news conference, “and the information was so private, I thought this must come from Canada.”
Arar’s US interrogators confronted him with a copy of the lease he took out on an Ottawa house in 1997 that had been co-signed by another Syrian-born Canadian, Abdullah Almalki. They also told him that he had been observed eating a meal in an Ottawa fast-food restaurant with Almalki.
The subsequent conduct of Canadian authorities indicates that Canada’s security and diplomatic establishment, or at the very least important elements of it, condoned, if not actively sought, Arar’s deportation to Syria.
* Although the Canadian government ultimately protested against Arar’s detention in Syria, CSIS agents reportedly travelled to Damascus to obtain information from the Syrian regime about the “confession” its interrogators had beaten out of him.
* In recent weeks, information about Arar’s forced confession has been leaked to the Canadian media. The source of the leak has not been identified, but undoubtedly it can be traced back to elements within the RCMP and/or CSIS who are anxious to discredit Arar, the better to defend their own role in fingering him.
* According to the Toronto Star, the US Ambassador to Canada, Paul Cellucci, reportedly told a private audience that Canada wanted Arar detained in Syria.
* The Canadian consular official who met with Arar while he was being detained in New York dismissed his warning that he was in danger of being deported to Syria.
* In August, Canadian Foreign Minister Bill Graham reported that a Canadian representative had met with Arar in Syria and Arar had rejected suggestions he had been tortured. Arar says this is utterly untrue. In fact, he put himself in extreme danger by screaming to the Canadian representative that he was being abused and had been tortured. Graham has ordered an internal inquiry to determine why Arar’s account differs so radically from that of the representative who met with him.
Further questions about Canada’s role are raised by the fate of the aforementioned Abdullah Almalki. An engineer and Canadian citizen, he was arrested in May 2002 while visiting his family in Syria and has been held without charge by Syria ever since. Arar encountered Almalki while in detention in Syria and reports that he has been subjected to even worse treatment than he was.
There is every reason to believe that Almalki was arrested on the basis of suspicions raised by the Canadian intelligence authorities—suspicions the Canadian government now concedes were unwarranted. Writes Toronto Star columnist Thomas Walkom, “Abdullah Almalki, a Canadian citizen, is being tortured in a Syrian prison because the security services of his own country passes on unproven suspicions to Damascus—either directly or, more likely, through the US. ... If this is what intelligence sharing means, it must stop right now.”
Chrétien has tried to justify his refusal to call a public inquiry by saying that the Arar case has been referred to the RCMP’s Public Complaints Commissioner. Yet the Commissioner, Shirley Heafey, herself recently complained that the RCMP is not co-operating with her on terror-related enquiries, hiding behind the sweeping, new Anti-Terrorism Act.
See Also:
Washington’s practice of torture by proxy: the Maher Arar Case
[18 November 2003]
May 23, 2008
Canada joined in illegal Guantanamo process: court
Reuters Photo: Omar Khadr is seen in this undated family portrait. REUTERS/Handout/Files
OTTAWA (Reuters) - Canada took part in an illegal process when it gave the United States the results of interviews conducted in Guantanamo Bay with terrorism suspect Omar Khadr, the Supreme Court ruled on Friday.
The Canadian court said handing over the documents meant Canada had "participated in a process that was contrary to Canada's international human rights obligations."
In a unanimous decision, the court said Khadr was entitled to see at least some of the documents that Canada gave to the United States, to help him prepare for his trial at the U.S. naval base in Cuba.
Khadr, the only Western prisoner still held at the Guantanamo Bay prison, faces charges of throwing a grenade that killed an American soldier and wounded another during a fight at an al Qaeda compound in Afghanistan in 2002.
Officials of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service interviewed Khadr at Guantanamo the following year.
Now aged 21, Khadr was just 15 at the time of the fight and his supporters say Canada should push the United States to allow him to return. The Canadian government refuses, saying Khadr has been charged with a serious crime.
The Canadian court relied on U.S. Supreme Court decisions made in 2004 and 2006 on the Guantanamo process to conclude that Canada participated in a process that violated the Geneva Conventions and U.S. law.
(Reporting by Randall Palmer; editing by Janet Guttsman)
Guantanamo Bay
LATEST HEADLINES
- Terror suspect Khadr wins partial access to federal papers for tribunal defence The Canadian Press
- Canada joined in illegal Guantanamo process: court Reuters
- Supreme Court grants Guantanamo detainee intel access AFP
- Canada's top court orders partial access to Khadr transcripts CBC
- Canada's top court orders partial access to Khadr transcripts CBC
Omar Khadr was NOT firing - he was shot!
Canada's behaviour has been disgraceful !
Enough war crimes coverup !
UPDATE: I just noticed that the court is holding a pre-release lockup to brief journalists on the issues that arose during the case. While this is by no means unprecedented - according to my gmail archives, it’s been done on two earlier occasions this year - it does suggest that the court - or at least, its media relations specialists - expect that it may be a particularly newsworthy ruling.
From McLean's magazine:
32147 Minister of Justice et al v. Omar Ahmed Khadr
Constitutional law ‑ Charter of rights ‑ Right to life, liberty and security of the person ‑ Evidence ‑ Disclosure ‑ Whether the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms requires disclosure of information collected by Canadian officials to assist a Canadian citizen accused in a foreign prosecution.
Omar Ahmed Khadr is a Canadian citizen currently detained by the United States in Guantánamo Bay, Cuba. He was apprehended by the American military in Afghanistan in July 2002. In November 2005, terrorism-related charges were laid against him before a U.S. Military Commission in relation to events which are alleged to have occurred when Mr. Khadr was 15 years and younger. Prior to the charges being laid, Canadian officials interviewed Mr. Khadr in Guantánamo Bay. In Khadr v. Canada (Attorney General), 2004 FC 1394 (von Finckenstein J.), it was found that the Canadian authorities were conducting these interviews independently, for information gathering purposes with a focus on intelligence and law enforcement. Topics discussed with Mr. Khadr included matters which were the subject of the subsequent charges. The Canadian authorities passed on summaries of the information collected to the American authorities. Mr. Khadr obtained redacted copies of some of the documents in the Crown’s possession, through access to information requests and through production and disclosure in other Federal Court proceedings. On November 21, 2005, counsel for Mr. Khadr sent a letter to the Appellants asking for “copies of all materials in the possession of all departments of the Crown in Right of Canada which might be relevant to the charges raised against Mr. Khadr”, including all the content redacted from the documents previously obtained. Having received no response, Mr. Khadr brought an application for judicial review seeking an order in the nature of mandamus to obtain the documents in order to be in a position to make full answer and defence to the charges in the U.S.
The Federal Court considered Suresh v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration), [2002] 1 S.C.R. 3, and Purdy v. Canada (Attorney General) (2003), 230 D.L.R. (4th) 361 (B.C.C.A.), and found that s. 7 of the Charter did not apply to Mr. Khadr’s circumstances since there was no sufficient causal connection between the actions of the Canadian officials and the deprivation of the right to life, liberty and security of the person that might ultimately be effected if the documents were not disclosed. On May 10, 2007, the Court of Appeal overturned the decision, found that s. 7 applied in the circumstances and remitted the matter back the to Federal Court to determine which documents would be released. On June 4, 2007, the charges against Mr. Khadr in Guantánamo Bay were dismissed “without prejudice”.
April 06, 2008
A dose of Canadian REALITY from Robert Fisk
Robert Fisk: The fearful lives in a land of the free
Sat Apr 5, 2008 4:34 pm (PDT)
Robert Fisk: The fearful lives in a land of the freeWesterners assume that anyone with a Canadian passport is safe,
I warned the audience they might not like all they heard from me. And sure enough, when I told the audience that they were perfectly at liberty to condemn Israel and America – indeed, that they should condemn both when they abuse human rights, occupy other people's countries and shoot innocent civilians – but that I wanted to know why I so rarely heard them condemn the vicious police states in the Middle East and other areas of south-west Asia from which they originally came, I was greeted with silence. A smattering of Muslim diplomats sat like statues, thus identifying the cruelty of their regimes. The only immediate applause came when I remarked that the moment Western soldiers started shooting at Muslims in Muslim lands, it was time for the soldiers to withdraw.
Much more revealing, however, was the long car journey I took next day across the frozen tundra of Canada during which two Muslim Canadian men – yes, yes, they had beards – explained to me just why their community was so silent about the iniquities perpetrated by their local dictatorships back home. I had suggested that they were rather too beholden to those regimes – for funding and political support. They agreed – up to a point.
"Mr Robert, you have to understand something," the driver suddenly said. "They have their 'mukhabarat' agents here in Canada. Whenever there is even a dispute between families, anyone who's angry can report back that his antagonist is anti-regime. We have to remember that we have families still in our Arab countries. They can be arrested. Or we can be arrested when we go back to visit them."
At which point I realised exactly why my remarks in the Ottawa banqueting hall were greeted with a frozen silence. It isn't long ago, for example, that Maher Arar, who lives in Canada, was picked up by the FBI's goons while in transit at JFK airport and "renditioned" to an underground prison and torture in Syria, courtesy of information provided by CSIS and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police.
In the same publication, she has given the most detailed account so far of the fraudulent British promises given to Arabs who chose to return to their savage homelands – rather than languish under a form of house arrest in the UK – that they would be neither tortured nor imprisoned after they went home.
"Get them back."In reference to the Home Office's concern that Egyptian assurances could not be trusted, Blair wrote:
"This is a bit much. Why do we need all these things?"
5 April 08. The Independent.
Robert Fisk's new book The Age of the Warrior: Selected Writings, a selection of his Saturday columns in The Independent is out now
http://www.independent.co.uk
Synthetic terror update: Toronto 18 and my own remarks
I want to say this on this blog.
My case for asylum here in Canada had the EXACT same elements. People are frightened to be around me at all even after all these years ..
But I have never been able to access help and Amnesty was a very big factor in that.
Throughout my 14 year ordeal, I have cried bitterly that there has been no Martin Luther King on which to call. I am still crying about it TODAY.
How different my life might be IF he were still alive is impossible for me to imagine. I have been used as a "tool" to further an anti-human rights agenda by Canadian government that is for certain.
I have PLENTY to say - I say it the best I know how. But some days are just too much.
No, I did not go to the Don Jail, but lived with the "reality" that any day it might happen - that threat still exists even today, hanging over my head. Instead, I got hospitalized many, many times. Now I can't get into a hospital if I am sick no matter what I do. Part of my "punishment" for coming here and making an inland refugee claim . ..
In setting me up in the United States, warrantless wiretapping was used, illegal searches of my home were made while I was held by the US, guns planted, and all legal recourse is DENIED. My accusers are still walking around unpunished except a few who came to light were fired from the US federal payroll as the years rolled on. Sigh.
I wish I had gone to another nation for help. Way too late now.
What these innocent people face and I face is something called a "psychiatric void" which goes on for years and years. You don't know what is going to happen and you cannot plan a future.
In my case, since my experiences are SO different, I just become more and more isolated from everyone else. That is a horrible burden to carry, too. I assure you.
Just a crying shame.
I think about Leonard again, today.
I am so sorry, Leonard! I have tried SO hard to help.
And I am so sorry about what has happened to those family members who have had to suffer because Of what I did one day in 1993 .. but someone had to do it.
The JERKS need to be held to account and put on PUBLIC RECORD for what they DO. Our children need to KNOW that we will go to incredible lengths to protect their futures.
That's what adults are supposed to DO.
If you read this, by some chance, I beg - when you make your choices, think seven generations ahead, not about "today" or the money you might back or how it affects your "career" or "prestige". DO THE RIGHT THING. At least you can go to bed at night and live with your conscience and not have to resort to drugs to make you "feel better.
I do hope these families have a brighter future - for some of us, we become "marked" and there is no escaping long term PAIN.
Veeger
Sunday Star - TORONTO TERRORISM CASE, (2) articles.I suspect that this TORONTO 8 was a subcategory of : 'staged for the media' non-event with no actual terrorist act ever intended to be acted out. In other words, a police-intelligence operation for the benefit of public relations and propaganda only. I am sure that the Toronto Star, a Liberal newspaper feels upset as they had the wool pulled over their eyes on this, just like everyone else.Only the HARPER-DAY- BUSH- CHENEY alliance knew the full scope behind the planning and operations for this. But bin my mind, Clinton too as a possible.Although the RCMP and CSIS were accomplices, the 'handler' for these unfortunates was an FBI agent who has been traced to Georgia, where he disappeared after the event.
TORONTO TERRORISM CASE
Apr 06, 2008 04:30 AM
Thomas Walkom
National Affairs Columnist
History will record June 2, 2006 as the day when police arrested members of what they claimed was Canada's first homegrown Islamic terrorist conspiracy. But in a modest middle-class section of Oakville, Rukhsana Gaya – then a department store cosmetics manager – remembers that day as the moment her family's life was shattered.
"The phone rang about 11 p.m. My husband answered. It was the RCMP. They said Saad (her son, then 18) had been arrestetd on terror-related charges. My husband told me and I said: `What do they mean, terrorism?' Of course, I knew about 9/11. Everyone does. But not that it would affect my family. Not that it would have anything to do with me."
In the lexicon of terror trials, Rukhsana Gaya is what is known as a family member. Her son was one of the 17 young Muslim Canadian men arrested that night in June (an 18th was picked up later) when police swooped in to forestall what they claimed was an Islamist plot to blow up buildings and behead the prime minister.
Today Saad remains jailed at the Maplehurst Correctional Complex in Milton awaiting trial on charges of terrorism and intending to cause an explosion. He declined to be interviewed for this story.
But 22 months after his arrest, the case of the Toronto 18 – which at the time was lauded by politicians as a spectacular intelligence coup – appears far less clear-cut. Three of the 18 have had their charges stayed (in effect, dropped) and been quietly released
A preliminary hearing to determine if there was enough evidence to bring the 14 adults to trial was abruptly short-circuited by the Crown last fall, midway through the testimony of key witness Mubin Shaikh – a paid RCMP informant who has had his own brushes with the law.
The defence cried foul, and some suggested that the government was merely trying to avoid the embarrassment of having a judge throw out some charges for lack of evidence.
Indeed, a 44-year-old Mississauga man, who at the time of his arrest was portrayed as the radical firebrand of the alleged plot, has already had his charges reduced and is out on bail.
And in a document filed in court last month, a lawyer for one of the defendants claimed that it was informant Shaikh who provided the 9-mm ammunition used for target practice at an alleged terrorist training camp.
The first trial, of the only youth still facing charges, has just started. The trial of Saad and the 13 other adults may not begin for another year
For the Gaya family, all of these developments are cold comfort. They are baffled that anyone could believe that Saad, an easygoing (and, confesses his mother, somewhat lazy) first-year student at McMaster University would be involved in anything as hateful and complicated as a terrorist plot.
They are saddened that Canada, a land the Pakistani parents chose and the country in which all three of their children were born, would countenance actions that they find blatantly unfair.
Unnerved at being the centre of media attention, they agonized for months before agreeing to have their story published in the Toronto Star; they still don't want their pictures in the newspaper.
They keep referring to themselves as "normal." But they are struggling to keep afloat in a world in which normal has been turned upside down.
All have dealt with it differently. Saad's father, who asked not be identified by name and who chose not to be interviewed for this article, simply doesn't speak of what happened. An engineer, he goes to work each morning and returns home each evening to pray.
"He doesn't want to deal with the outside world,"says Saad's 24-year-old sister, Beenish.
"He doesn't think there is any point. He wouldn't go to the preliminary hearing; he didn't want to see his son in that environment. Who wants to hear your son called a terrorist? He just talks to Saad when he phones."
Beenish, too, feels her life has been derailed. Before June 2, 2006, she was a highly motivated chartered-accountancy trainee working long hours at the downtown Toronto firm KPMG as she prepared for her final exams.
If she thought about terrorism at all, she says now, she saw herself as a potential victim.
"After 9/11, I thought, `If Al Qaeda strikes here, they'll hit me,'"she says.
"I mean, I work in one of the tallest buildings in the city; I take the Lakeshore GO train. I hate Al Qaeda more than anyone."
She is Muslim. But in the days before her brother's arrest, this fact did not greatly affect her. She doesn't wear any of the clothing so often associated with Islam, such as the headscarf, burqa or veil; her friends are from all backgrounds. She takes her religion seriously, but it neither dominates nor uniquely defines her life.
She sees herself as Canadian rather than Pakistani-Canadian. And why not? She was born in Montreal, raised in Oakville, educated at McMaster University in Hamilton. Who could be more Canadian?
On the day before Saad's arrest, she and her youngest brother (now 15) were helping their father widen their driveway. Saad, she says laughing, offered to pitch in. "But he's so skinny, he couldn't shovel without standing on it."
Then came the arrest, the publicity and the subsequent media circus at the Brampton courthouse, as Muslim family members tried to make their way past the gauntlet of journalists while police officers armed with submachine guns looked on.
To someone who had always viewed herself as a normal Canadian, the experience came as a shock. Beenish might have thought she was like everyone else; the world, it seemed, disagreed.
"Suddenly you are portrayed as the other,"she says.
"One minute you are scared of terrorists; the next minute you are the enemy."
And so the family members kept their heads down. Beenish took a leave of absence from KPMG to focus on her brother's court hearings. Rukhsana, even more devastated, was sure she'd have to leave her job.
"I was scared at the beginning to tell anyone,"she says.
"But I didn't want to lie to my co-workers. They were all so supportive; they were wonderful."
She offered to quit. But her manager persuaded her to stay on, saying she could shift to part-time work if she wanted to devote more time to Saad's case.
Still, the effect has been paralyzing. The normally gregarious 43-year-old no longer goes out to see friends and relatives. She has been twice hospitalized since her son's arrest. During conversation, her voice will suddenly break. Sometimes, she says, she cries uncontrollably.
"Even still, at 3 a.m., I will wake up with my heart breaking."
To Saad's family, his description of life in jail was terrifying. At first, he was permitted neither a mattress nor his glasses, he later told Beenish. (A corrections ministry spokesperson, while declining to comment on Saad's case specifically, says that mattresses are sometimes removed from the cells of "special management inmates" considered to be security risks and that their spectacles may be confiscated for the same reason.)
Each time Saad was removed from his cell, shackled, to attend court or use the shower during those first few days at Maplehurst, he was hustled along by a four-member crisis intervention team in full riot gear.
Because he had initially been deemed a young offender, Saad and four other youths were soon moved to a less rigorous juvenile detention centre. That didn't last. Three months later, the Crown decided Saad had committed his alleged offences the day he turned 18. He was reclassified as an adult and moved back to Maplehurst. For the next 12 months, Saad, like the other adult detainees, was kept in solitary confinement 23 1/2 hours a day.
Today, three of the accused adults are still in solitary confinement at the Don Jail. At Maplehurst, where Saad remains, conditions have eased significantly. Now the seven still imprisoned there (four others are out on bail) are allowed to associate with one another in a common wing.
But to Rukhsana, it remains inconceivable that her child, who has still not been convicted of any crime, could be locked up for so long. Saad celebrated his 19th and 20th birthdays in jail. Unless he gets bail, he will almost certainly turn 21 there – and this before he stands trial. Her once bubbly son, she says, has become quieter, more introverted.
"They have taken away his smile,"she says.
Now, her life and that of her family revolve around the criminal justice system. The centrepiece of each day is Saad's phone call from jail. The highlight of the week is the regular visit to Maplehurst, where Rukhsana can talk to her son through a Plexiglas barrier.
At first, says Beenish, the Gayas received virtually no help from the Muslim community, or indeed from anyone.
"Other Muslims were scared to help,"she says
. "We know a lot of people, but when we tried to raise money (in an unsuccessful bid to have Saad released on bail), so many of them wouldn't help. They were afraid that if they did, they'd be accused of aiding terrorism."
One long-time family friend, she says, cut off all contact with the family.
Beenish approached Amnesty International. They said such cases did not fall under their ambit. She contacted local MPs. Those who agreed to see her said they could do nothing while the matter was before the courts. One (she doesn't want his name used for fear of causing offence) told her frankly that politicians did not want to put themselves on the line lest they be thought soft on terrorism. Today, she says, Muslims are less wary about speaking up on behalf of Saad and the others. But in the bleak early days, the only support the family received was from their Italian and Lebanese neighbours and a group of Toronto anti-violence activists called Homes Not Bombs.
Throughout, Beenish has borne most of the burden of dealing with the outside world. For months, she attended the on-again, off-again preliminary hearing.
She and Rukhsana became such regulars at the Brampton courthouse that some began to assume they worked there.
Even now, Beenish is the one who deals with Saad's lawyer, Paul Slansky. As well, she is trying to arrange a correspondence course for her brother. When the world comes knocking, it is she who runs interference for the family.
She is also torn about acting publicly. On the one hand, she is horrified by what she sees as the unfairness of a process in which the government appears to hold all the cards. She devotes whatever time remains from her work and court duties to a website supporting the Toronto 18. She has spoken up for the detainees at university rallies.
Yet at the same time, she is hesitant about being identified in the daily press. She is not sure she trusts what she calls the mainstream media. She fears that employers will see her as a liability rather than an asset.
"I'm starting a career,"she says.
"I don't want it destroyed."
In interviews over several months with Beenish, and more recently with Rukhsana, the conversation keeps coming back to their sense of bewilderment.
How could this happen? They are law-abiding (Rukhsana says she has never had a parking ticket); they are patriotic Canadians; they are unfailingly polite.
When police were searching her home for evidence to use against her son (they took clothing and most of the family photographs), Rukhsana offered them tea and coffee.
Nor can the two women believe Saad was involved in anything sinister.
"How could he do what they accuse him of?" asks Rukhsana. "His friends are from all over, not just Muslims: Christians, Jews, Chinese. He was part of the interfaith dialogue at McMaster ... Everyone loves him."
Beenish says that even if her brother were inclined to violence (which, she insists, he is not), he could not have managed to involve himself in anything as complex as a terror plot without awakening the suspicions of the ever-vigilant women in his family.
She and Saad used the same computer with the same password. Rukhsana, meanwhile, kept constant watch on her eldest son.
She cooked all of his meals, sending him off to McMaster each week with 18 individually prepared and packaged breakfasts, lunches and dinners.
She did his laundry each weekend when he came home. She phoned him every day at university and routinely eavesdropped on his telephone conversations at home.
"Until he marries, I am his mother," she shrugs. "This is my job."
Ironically, given the government's assertion that Saad was involved in a religiously motivated conspiracy, his arrest has caused Beenish to draw closer to Islam. The only thing that makes sense of this madness, she says, is the Qur'an, with its message that people must struggle against adversity.
She says she now looks forward to the day when she will have enough courage to brave popular prejudice and don an Islamic headscarf.
"I call myself a Muslim and I call myself a Canadian," she says. "What is my country? Canada is my country, even though it is treating me like a second-class citizen. I'm not Pakistani. I'm Canadian. I plan to stay here and work here and marry here and raise kids here.
"I take pride in being a Canadian. What's going to happen if this (the treatment of the 18) becomes the norm?"
Rukhsana's hopes are simpler. She just wants her life and her son back.
"I have nothing to hide," she says. "My son did nothing wrong. We are an average Canadian family. We are normal."
HOW IT ALL WENT DOWN
In the end, his charges were stayed. 'The authorities ruined my brother's future, his reputation and abused him physically and psychologically – all for, according to them, absolutely no reason'
Apr 06, 2008 04:30 AM
Anonymous
Special to the Star
http://www.thestar.com/Article
* NOTE TO READERS - The names of the writer and people mentioned in this story have been withheld. Publishing any of these names might reveal the identity of someone who was under the age of 18 at the time he was charged in connection with the alleged terrorism plot. Under Canadian law, people charged as young offenders cannot be named or otherwise identified.
A time comes when silence is betrayal. We are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for victims of our nation and for those it calls enemy, for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers and sisters.– Martin Luther King, Jr.
It's been nearly two years since the raid on our house, since the day they took my brother and another relative. Since that day, my family and I have lived in silence. It's an emotional topic for me and talking about it means reliving that pain all over again. But I feel obliged to let Canadians know about our experience and what we continue to experience each and every single day.
It was June 2, 2006 – around 11 p.m. That night was a nightmare for me and my family. Earlier that day, a relative was arrested while coming home after grocery shopping. We sat at home, in shock, wondering what had just happened. None of us shed a tear, I guess out of sheer disbelief. It was getting late, and my other brother wasn't home yet. He'd been out with his friends. So my mother and I went out looking for him. We were just around the corner of our house when a pack of cars stopped at the end of the street and the SWAT team came running towards our house pointing guns at us. As soon as we got inside, they broke in, all the while yelling at us, asking us all to come down to the front door.
One by one they called us out of the house to be searched. My dad was the first to go. He had been in such a shock that after he'd heard about our relative's arrest, he'd gone back to his room and started working on his business files. And when he came down, he'd brought his papers and pen with him to the door. One of the officers glanced at the papers and pen in his hands and yelled at him: "DROP YOUR WEAPONS! DROP YOUR WEAPONS RIGHT NOW!" And with all those guns pointing at us I thought to myself, what were they expecting my father to do? Hit them with a pen? They pulled my dad by his collar and he tripped. I asked them to go easy on my father because he was already in a state of shock. Their reply made me feel sick to my stomach. They said: "We know that already, that's what we have the ambulance for."
Then they handcuffed him and took him for questioning, and we didn't see him for the next couple of hours. They searched us all and then had us wait outside in the rain with babies in our arms. They waited for my brother to come home, and when he did they put him in a car and took him. We didn't know where he was taken and what had happened to him. They finally told us that they had actually arrested him. We spent the night at our neighbours'. The next morning we received a call from my brother; he told us he was being held at a police station. I asked him how he was and he told me not to worry, but I could hear the quiver in his voice. I knew he was only trying to be strong so as not to hurt us.
The drive to the courthouse was, again, like nothing I had ever experienced before. At first, we didn't even know how to get to the Brampton courthouse. It's actually a bit humorous how we tried to find our way to court. We saw helicopters above our car and simply decided to follow their lead, and that landed us right at the courthouse. The moment we got out of the car we were surrounded by swarms of media, cameras and microphones shoved in our faces. Despite us asking them to leave us alone, they continued to hassle us until we had finally got in.
But our ordeal didn't end with that. After being searched and sniffed by dogs, we were asked to wait in a long line of people to get into the courtroom. They were allowing only 50 people inside, and most of the people ahead of us were non-family members.
I remember seeing my brother in the courtroom, shackled and handcuffed with the other accused. They were escorted in groups of five. You could even hear the rattling of the chains before they entered the courtroom. I remember seeing them all with weak smiles reassuring their families that they were all right when they really weren't, and that we – the families – had to be strong. Even these minor attempts to reassure us were stopped by the guards. They made sure that the accused made no eye contact or had any sort of communication with their families. The guards were intimidating. It's like they were implicitly telling us that our brothers were now under their control. I recall a relative telling me once about his first night at Maplehurst prison. He said the officers had dragged him by his neck and choked him until he couldn't breathe and then one of them said to him: "I own you now. You do what I say. You eat when I say you eat, you sleep when I say you sleep and you sh-- when I say you sh--." This was repeated with all of them at Maplehurst.
My brother shared with me his anguish on his first night. He said:
"When I got out of the car I was surrounded by police dogs, SWAT team, and the bright camera flashes and the reporters screaming. I went inside and I was strip-searched. For the first time in my life I felt so humiliated. Then I was put in a cell for about five hours or so till it was early morning and the whole night I couldn't sleep because of the cold concrete bench, and there was no water so I was really thirsty. But when I'd ask for water or my sweater back so that at least I could sleep or something, they'd just say, `Its not a f-----n' hotel.'"
He told me how the thing he hated the most was dealing with the guards. They would throw him on the ground, shackle him and handcuff him and then make him crawl all the way to his cell. For the first two days they had no water, no toilet paper, just a cold cell room with a concrete bench and no pillows or blanket. The windows were covered so that they couldn't see outside the door or window.
He was kept in solitary confinement for almost three months until he was released on bail under strict conditions. When I was preparing this article, I had asked my brother to write about how he felt when he was released on bail and what would he want people to know.
He wrote: "When I was released I was so happy to be back with my family but the house arrest conditions that were put on me didn't make it any different. That went on for a year and in that time I had given my family a very hard time. I couldn't go to sleep at night without taking my anti-depressants. I couldn't talk to someone for more than half an hour without losing my temper over something small. I couldn't have more than three people around me because it'd get hard for me to breathe. I'd get angry at something I wouldn't even remember but then I'd just black out and 20 minutes later there would be broken furniture around me.
"Yes I have seen the psychiatrist many times and I was told that I have post-traumatic stress syndrome and I was prescribed anti-depressants. I didn't go through any treatment simply because I was told that whatever I am going through will stop as soon as I was out on bail. Now I'm released from bail and I barely have any conditions but nothing much has changed. I'm still not even close to being the same person as I was before the arrest. I'm a completely different man, someone who keeps asking himself if he's really gone crazy ... I suffer from memory loss sometimes.
"After I came out from jail a lot of my old friends came up to me and I barely remembered any of them. And that was something that really scared me because I had been to school with these people. A lot of things have changed in me and I still get nightmares about the times I was inside. I still have my anger problems and sleeping disorder. People don't look at me as they'd look at a normal person. Either they are really scared of me, or they feel really sorry for me that they end up looking at me like I'm just a crazy person."
My other relative continues to suffer in solitary confinement along with two of the other accused. According to a study by the Correctional Services of Canada, those who went through enforced segregation for 60 days suffered from "poorer mental health and psychological functioning."
The three detainees at the Don Jail have now spent more than 600 days in solitary confinement.
I don't understand why they were treated like that and why the young men at Maplehurst and the Don Jail continue to be treated as though they've already been convicted. Why are they deprived of basic rights that are given to every other inmate? I wonder if it's because of their faith.
The accused, my relatives included, have suffered through obvious forms of degradation, humiliation, discrimination, oppression and exploitation by the media and law enforcement. And eventually, in the case of my brother, he was let go with all his charges stayed.
You and I live in a country that is supposed to be the fortress of education, freedom, justice, democracy and all those other pretty-sounding words. And yet the authorities ruined my brother's future, his reputation and abused him physically and psychologically – all for, according to them, absolutely no reason.
They say it's for no reason, but those of us close to the situation know very well what the reason was. My brother was a pawn used in the game of exploiting the public's fear and beating the drums of Islamophobia.
My other relative's solitary confinement does not affect only him but is also taking a toll on his wife and children. A couple of weeks ago, a 3-year old relative had come home from visiting her father, and said to her grandmother: "I think I've lost my daddy." When her grandmother asked her why she'd think such a thing, she replied: "Because he can't touch me." It broke my heart when I heard that. This is injustice not only against my relative but his kids. It's unfair to deprive a child of her father's touch. They're only allowed to meet with a Plexiglass screen between them, and she cries during every visit when it's time for her father to leave.
April 03, 2008
old - reminder about those supporting rendition/kidnap
O! Canada! and major CIA pilot was let go after being found in Canada after the CIA plane went down in Mexico on the way to the Azores ..
Is anyone seeing the connections yet.
What does extraordinary rendition have to do with drug running?
I'll BET WE FIND OUT SOON.
When does Canada FINALLY get intel oversight? When does USCANADA complicity in war crimes end?
When does the Canadian Parliament GET WITH IT ?? When does government start to serve the people ???
Stay tuned.
Veeger
Eyewitness Account of CIA Abduction
Extraordinary Rendition Comes out of the Closet
(11-28-05) "Irish anti-war activists, meanwhile, say a plane known to be involved in the so-called "extraordinary rendition programme" has landed at Shannon Airport in Co Clare on numerous occasions."
(11-20-05) November 20, 2005 -- CIA torture flights remain in operation. On November 18, a CIA aircraft, a CASA CN-235-300 turboprop, tail number N196D, operated by front company Devon Holding and Leasing, Inc. of Lexington, North Carolina, was recorded as traveling from Iceland to St. John's, Newfoundland, to Manchester, New Hampshire and finally to Johnson County Airport in Smithfield, North Carolina.
N196D stopped in Malta, on May 17, 2004 -- its itinerary was Halifax-St.John's-Keflavik-Edinburgh-Frankfurt-Malta-Amman-Afghanistan. Paper work filed indicated two owners: Devon Holding and Leasing and Stevens Express Leasing Company of Tennessee, another front company being investigated by the Spanish Interior Ministry for fronting for torture flights through Mallorca, Ibiza, and Tenerife in the Canary Islands.
A similar Devon-owned aircraft, tail number N168D, flew a route from St. John's to Keflavik, Iceland and on to Prague on April 6, 2005. It was also reported to have landed in Malta on August 12, 2005; Palma de Mallorca on January 16, 2005; and Ponta Delgada in the Azores on January 11, 2005 for a stop while en route from St. John's to Cagliari, Sardinia.
A former Piedmont Airlines Boeing 737, now CIA torture plane, tail number N313P (re-registered as N4476S), was spotted on the runway at Palma de Mallorca on January 23, 2004. CIA front owners have been variably listed as Premier Executive Transport Services and Keeler and Tate Management, both linked to Jeppesen Dataplan of California. The Boeing 737 was also spotted in Tulsa; Geneva; Oporto, Portugal; and Frankfurt.
Another CIA front company is called Prescott Support. Its C-130, the L-100-30 Hercules, (the same aircraft type reported to be involved with flying around "crated" prisoners) has been spotted at Frankfurt, Singapore (Changi), Kuala Lumpur's Subang Airport (parked in an isolated position away from other aircraft just a few weeks following the Indian Ocean tsunami), Malta, Ponta Delgada (Azores), Kuwait, Oporto (Portugal), Helsinki (Vantaa), and Kenya. Another Prescott Support plane, a DeHavilland Twin Otter/VistaLiner, was identified on a long flight in October 2004 from North Las Vegas to Prescott, Arizona to Starkville, Mississippi to Florence, South Carolina to Wilmington, North Carolina to Goose Bay, Labrador to Reykjavik's city airport in Iceland to Stansted, London, England to Cairo to Kenya.
March 26, 2008
N. America's Taxi to the Dark Side
MNN Taxi to the Dark Side
The following is NOT for the faint at heart!Michelle
" If you have a chance to make life better for others and fail to do so, you are wasting your time on Earth. No matter what our station in life, we are here to serve, even if that sometimes means making the greatest sacrifice of all.A warrior is challanged to assume responsibility, practice humility, and display the power of giving, and then center his or her life around a core of spirituality. I challenge todays youth to live like a warrior."
Billy Mills
TAXI TO THE DARK SIDE
- THE AXIS OF AMERICAN EVIL
Col. Musgrave of the British Secret Service was brought over by a Canadian think tank to put a plan in motion to break us down. He was going to use tactics the Brits used against the Irish. He vowed to accomplish this in three weeks.
The corporate press stepped up its habitual demonization of us. The soldiers shouted and threatened us. The media “spinners” portrayed our men, women and children as the nasty enemy and we were less than human. This created the conditions required to get the public to accept mistreatment and violations of our rights. We were subjected to sleep deprivation by flying choppers over us all night long. Even jets were flown close over our heads. Bright lights were shone on us and into our windows. Food was cut off or left to rot or spat upon and peed into by the soldiers before it was turned over to us. Water and hydro were turned off and on. Incendiary devices were blown up around us. Snipers were everywhere.
When we finally walked out September 26th 1990, the soldiers and cops attacked, beat and threw us into buses and took us to prisons at Farnham army base. We were left on the tarmac all night long. They would not let us go to the bathroom or get medical attention for our injured. The soldiers beat their guns on the sides of the bus to stop us from sleeping, swore and shouted racial slurs at us and took out their penises and urinated at us.
This was not the aberrant behavior of a few bad apples. They tried to take our children from us to use as hostages to control us. Luckily we got them out. We were herded into barracks and forbidden to sleep or eat. Anyone who dozed off was awakened with rifle butts banged on the floor next to our heads. After two sleepless nights we were taken for interrogation. In the room were two men who shouted racial and degrading slurs and threats at us. The Quebec Police and their army trainers told us that we would spend the rest of our lives in jail.
Our men were subjected to cruelty that violated the Geneva Conventions – One of our young men was handcuffed, blind folded, told to kneel down and face a wall. A gun was put to his head and cocked repeatedly. He was told that he was alone and that no one was going to rescue him. One of our men, Ronald Cross, was beaten over and over again. He eventually died of his injuries. In the end the courts found that none of us were guilty of anything. We remain defiant against injustice and genocide.
In the film “Taxi to the Dark Side” [ Seville Pictures] Dilawar was a young Afghani, a young father in his early twenties, who came from a peanut farming community. In December 2002, while driving his new taxi, he and his three passengers fell into the hands of the U.S. forces. Five days later he was dead. He was grabbed, hooded and taken to Bagram Prison. U.S. soldiers worked at maiming him to, as they said, “Get him to talk”.
Dilawar, called a PUC, “person under control” #421, was systematically tortured until he died. One was surprised “it took so long for him to die”. The soldiers said they were told over and over again that the Afghanis were very evil people and had nothing but violent intentions.
Wiliam Assera, a lawyer, said when the prisoners were brought in they were immediately assaulted by the soldiers and dogs. They were spat at, cameras flashed at their faces, their culture was attacked and ridiculed. They were kept in isolation, deprived of sleep and always handcuffed. They were kept in the “air locks”, subjected to cavity searches and constantly screamed at and questioned. This is called the “shock of the capture”.
The “air lock” is a room surrounded by razor wire. Arms are suspended in the air in hand cuffs locked onto the ceiling grate. Soldiers beat a prisoner “that was difficult”. A knee was kicked into a pressure point on the side of the leg. Dilawar’s body showed that his legs were “pulpafide”. His body became limp. Four soldiers went into the air lock, kicked him again and jumped on his back while he was shackled. One soldier struck Dilawar’s leg so many times that he hurt himself and to switch legs. Torture became amusement just to hear him scream “Allah”. The blood clots traveled to his lungs. The death certificate stated he died by of “homicide” by “blunt force”. If he had lived, his legs would have had to be amputated. Murder is the ultimate torture.
Ken Davis said that the prisoners were roughed up by vicious dogs. He would not say where the orders came from. Was it Donald Rumsfeld, the Secretary of Defense in 2004?
Cap. Carolyn Wood ran Bagram Prison. She felt pressure to produce intelligence. She later graduated to Abu Graib in Iraq and got a medal for her work. “There’s just a few bad apples”, was declared over and over again. Eric Lanmer brushed it off as people being in “crazy situations and doing crazy things.”
It is ominous that Wood was trying to be more butch than the boys. Lindy England, the young girl that posed smiling with the naked humiliated degraded prisoners, some on dog leashes, was one of the most vulnerable in this male dominated field. Other smiling young men and women posed with dead bodies.
The U.S. soldiers were in Afghanistan and Iraq illegally. Colin Powell, Chief of Staff, needed legal arguments. They decided the President could do what he wants in the name of security.
John Yoo of the Justice Department developed assault protocols. It was a war on Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions, supported by the Attorney General, Alberto Gonzales, and Vice President Dick Cheney. John Yoo said these extreme tortures could include death. The U.S. wanted to discard the constitution but could not. So they put a different interpretation on it. President Bush was able to pardon himself but not the soldiers.
Vice President Dick Cheney encouraged the soldier to be more aggressive in dealing with interrogation because “these people are mean, nasty, dirty people”. [Was he describing himself?]
In Guantanamo Bay Prison in Cuba, one of the reason the U.S. holds onto this site is that they think that Cuban and U.S. laws don’t apply because it’s offshore. John Yoo said that the military has ultimate say over prisoners there. President Bush reminded the public that, “These terrorists are learning the meaning of American “justice”.
December 2001 Al Katami, supposedly the 20th plane hijacker, was taken to Guantanamo Bay. Gonzales and Yoo visited Cuba to figure out why he kept resisting their torture no matter how severe. Nothing worked. Sleep and sensory deprivation, severe isolation, attack dogs, invasions by females, forced to wear women’s underwear, strip searches, enemas, forced to wear U.S. flag hat, restrained from going to the bathroom. Dark, light, cold, heat! All his sensory receptors were attacked. His heart slowed down and he had to be hospitalized. Hypnosis, shock and LSD were not used. This was the entire arsenal that the CIA developed over the past 50 years in conjunction with researchers in Montreal.
Guantanamo Bay was turned into a torture research center. They pretended to be investigating Arab male sexual humiliation techniques and phobias. Torture was called “degradation”. Shackled for long periods of time every which way! Standing on a box, hooded and with [simulated] electrodes attached to the body! Forced to stand covered in shit with arms up and straight out as if hanging on a cross.
Brilliant top scientists were hired such as Donald O. Hebb of McGill University. He bragged he could reduce people to a pulp in 48 hours through isolation, goggles, earmuffs and so on. The U.S. got very excited about this. Hebb told them the price was destroying their sanity.
The soldiers said they need written instructions and training on how to beat, assault and potentially kill prisoners so they can break human rights and Geneva Conventions regulations and not be held responsible.
Professor Doug Cassel even described such threats as crushing the testicles of the prisoner’s infant son.
This story is about how the greed of a few can break people and pull down a whole society. These tactics are the remnants of colonialism that trashes people. The Americans have abandoned social wisdom. Old colonial and imperial paradigms are breaking down, though being pushed hard as a last ditch stand, especially using violence to enforce their ways.
One tactic is to declare a state of emergency to get around abiding by international law. They then give themselves the right to interpret the Geneva conventions as they see fit, calling it a legal interpretation.
It is well known that the information gotten through torture is not reliable. When the generals took over Greece, they learned that nine out of 10 soldiers would rather die than torture their people. The generals used the ones that enjoyed torturing to destroy a democratic government. Is the U.S. looking for a class of people that is willing to torture their own people?
The U.S. had set up a system in Afghanistan and Iraq where the war lords recruited subjects for thousands of dollars a piece. 83,000 were detained without a single hearing, violating the rule of law. Habeas corpus goes back to Roman law.
Less than 5% of those picked up by the U.S. had any information. The other 95% were innocent by-standers picked up by soldiers to serve as practice specimens for the American military’s cruel and macabre experimentation on torture methods. Senior officers observed those who were adept and could be used when martial law was imposed.
“Curve Ball” was tortured and eventually said there was a connection between Sadaam Hussein and Al Qaeda, which turned out to untrue.
Water boarding is called “extraordinary rendition”. The victims will tell the interrogators whatever they want to hear. The Vice President defended water boarding, “We don’t do torture. Not as we define it”.
The FBI distanced themselves from the Secretary of Defense. They said the best way to get information is by breaking down barriers. Experience, talent and patience are needed to get worthwhile information. “You are finished. Is there something I can do for your kids?”
They attacked human dignity and the sanctity of the individual. Cruelty is the official policy, “We have to get tough”, they tell us. If we are going to stop this, we have to be informed and act together.











