Showing posts with label indigenous sovereignty. Show all posts
Showing posts with label indigenous sovereignty. Show all posts

May 20, 2008

Ontario mad at Federal Government over Caledonia land claims - FINALLY

Set Caledonia deadline, Bryant urges Ottawa

Settle land claim rather than point finger at Ontario, minister says

May 15, 2008 04:30 AM
Richard Brennan
OTTAWA BUREAU

OTTAWA–The federal government is being urged by Ontario Aboriginal Affairs Minister Michael Bryant to put a deadline on land claim negotiations in Caledonia instead of letting them drag on with no resolution in sight.

"We say to the federal government with respect to this 200-year-old dispute, it's time for them to set a deadline and set it now," Bryant told the Legislature yesterday.



Carlos Osorio/Toronto Star

A man guides a Bobcat as it pushes cement blocks on the entrance to the disputed land in Caledonia in this file image from August, 2006

"We say to the federal government with respect to this 200-year-old dispute, it's time for them to set a deadline and set it now,"
Bryant told the Legislature yesterday.

Federal Indian Affairs Minister Chuck Strahl seemed taken aback, saying Bryant hadn't communicated this new sense of urgency to him.

"Certainly we have been pretty aggressive in Caledonia to try to do just that. We've tabled a $125 million offer to the First Nations there and expanded the mandate of our negotiator to explore options there," Strahl told reporters on Parliament Hill.

"We are working hard to settle it."

Bryant said tensions are growing among residents in Caledonia, a town southwest of Hamilton. They have, for more than two years, lived with the occupation of a former housing development by members of the Six Nations band protesting unresolved land claims.

"Instead of being content to sit on their hands, and actually literally point fingers at the provincial government ... it's time for the federal government to actually take responsibility for something that is their responsibility," Bryant told reporters later at Queen's Park.

In 2006, native protesters blocked the Caledonia bypass, the town's main road and the rail line after police raided the occupation site. When the bypass was blocked again earlier this month, clashes broke out between Six Nations protesters and Caledonia residents.

Bryant said claims focus on the Haldimand Tract following the Grand River "and the question is what the federal government did exactly and what the compensation is owed by the federal government to Haudenosaunee Six Nations."

Jason Kenney, Minister of Multiculturalism and Canadian Identity, caused a stir during a recent trip to Brantford when he blamed the province not reining in Six Nations Confederacy activists who have blocked projects there and demanded cash from developers.

Kenney called the activists' actions "extortion" said "the law should apply equally."

Yesterday, Strahl urged the province "to remain part of these negotiations. It's important that people understand that finding solutions to these complex issues will take time."

Hey, wouldn't it be NOBLE if these guys quit having liquid lunches and actually DID something for once?

It'll look BAD to have Canada apologize for
residential schools when you still don't settle
200-year old land claims.

About time Michael Bryant got MOUTHY !!

He's my MP, in fact, and I called them and bitched.


May 17, 2008

Grassy Narrows update - mini-Victory (???)

Native Canadians Win Mini-Victory over Big Loggers


NEW YORK, May 16 (OneWorld) - Pressure is mounting on the Canadian government to take actions against private loggers and other business concerns that encroach upon indigenous peoples' territories.

At the 2008 World Summit of Indigenous Cultures in Taipei.
At the 2008 World Summit of Indigenous Cultures in Taipei. © davidreid (flickr)
Opposition by a native tribe in the province of Ontario against a major logging company forced authorities this week to reconsider their policies on forest management and planning.

On Tuesday, the provincial government declared it was ready to work with local indigenous communities to protect the Whiskey Jack Forest, which covers about 1 million hectares and is home to the native Grassy Narrows First Nation people.

The native communities have relied on the forest reserve for hunting, trapping, harvesting, and medical plants for thousands of years. They are opposed to commercial use of the forest not only because they own it, but also because it is sacred to them.

Grassy Narrows elders argue that a treaty signed with the Canadian government in the 1870s fully recognizes their people's right to "pursue their avocations of hunting and fishing" throughout their traditional territory.

Apparently not abiding by its treaty obligations and some recent court rulings, the government has allowed AbitibiBowater Inc., a logging company, to operate in the area and awarded the company a so-called "sustainable forest license." AbitibiBowater does its business in Ontario as a subsidiary of the U.S. lumber giant Weyerhaeuser Corporation.

On Tuesday, Grassy Narrows elders and their supporters welcomed the Canadian government's move to include their views in land-use planning, but said they still have reservations about the government's position on certain issues.

"We are pleased to see the government committing to better relations," said David Sone of the Rainforest Action Network (RAN), a nonprofit group that lobbies on behalf of indigenous communities living in forested areas worldwide. "But Grassy Narrows leaders have made clear that the community has not consented to logging or other industrial activity on its territory."

"Boise [Corp.] has done the right thing. It has set an example that we hope other companies and the province of Ontario will follow."
- Craig Benjamin, Amnesty International
With support from the rights group Amnesty International and other organizations, RAN led a campaign against logging in the Whiskey Jack forest, persuading a major paper-manufacturing company to stop buying wood from AbitibiBowater.

In February, the U.S.-based Boise Corporation announced it would not purchase any wood fiber logged from Grassy Narrows forest if loggers did not seek the indigenous peoples' permission for clearcutting. In return, the company earned a lot of respect and praise from international activists.

"Boise has done the right thing," said Craig Benjamin, Amnesty International's campaigner for the human rights of indigenous peoples. "It has set an example that we hope other companies and the province of Ontario will follow."

Like Boise, the Canadian House of Commons recognizes the principle that governments and companies must seek "prior and informed consent" of indigenous peoples before using their lands and resources for development and commercial purposes.

Just last week, the House of Commons passed a resolution calling on parliament and the government of Canada to "fully implement the standards contained" in the Universal Declaration of Indigenous Peoples Rights.

The Declaration, which contains the "prior and informed consent" dictate, was adopted by the UN General Assembly last September, in a historic vote by an overwhelming majority of member states. But, along with the United States and a few other countries, the conservative Canadian government rejected it.

The UN document affirms minimum human rights standards necessary for the "survival, dignity, and well-being of the Indigenous peoples of the world." These include indigenous peoples' right of self-determination, protections from discrimination and genocide, and recognition of rights to lands, territories, and resources.

During the House of Commons debate over the resolution, government spokespeople claimed that the Declaration would undo centuries of Canadian treaties with indigenous peoples.

"This government's latest arguments against the Declaration show just how ridiculous their position has become," said Chief Wilton Littlechild, international chief for Treaty Six, which is the 1876 document that first codified the rights and responsibilities of native Canadians and the Canadian government.

"The [UN] Declaration explicitly states that treaties and other agreements with Indigenous peoples are to be honored and respected," added Littlechild. "We just want the Canadian government to live up to that promise."

Despite the government's opposition, indigenous leaders say, the vote in the House of Commons is an important step in the implementation of the Declaration.

"Canada's reputation as a human rights advocate continues to suffer as a result of its ongoing opposition to the Declaration," said Grand Chief Edward John, political executive member of the First Nations Summit.

In order to draw attention to the cause of saving their forest, Grassy Narrows activists recently embarked on a 1,250 mile journey on foot. On reaching the provincial capital, Toronto, they are due to participate in the "Gathering of Mother Earth Protectors."

The gathering, which begins May 26, will take place in front of the Parliament building.

OneWorld TV: The Sarayaku Resist

May 09, 2008

Is there enough to go around?

Okay, folks, face it. Ontario is falling to bits although it looks just fine if you're not looking very hard. But the cracks which are being wallpapered over are being to show STRESS.

How far can they stretch the "security forces" and maintain the budget? That would SEEM to be the question, when in fact the question really is: Why are the tac squads being raided in order to cover the state coming to the rescue of the plutocracy!

It was interesting to find this editorial outta Muskoka on a google alert about Caledonia. (Remember: although not charged, those white hooligans in Caledonia cause the trouble! )

Notice how the writer ( obviously a Conservative Party member ) doesn't mention it's the FEDERAL government's obligation to uphold treaty rights!

It's cheaper in the short and long to uphold human rights over policing to push people around for profit ..


May 07, 2008

A dispute that has disrupted life in a southern Ontario town for the past couple of years has raised the ire of District of Muskoka chair Gord Adams, especially once he heard that local police officers have been dispatched to deal with the conflict in Caledonia, as well as in Deseronto.

Bracebridge OPP Inspector Ed Medved reported to the district mayors last week that several local officers have been seconded to specialized police units across the province, including a police sergeant and two constables, to serve in the native disputes, as well as four of the detachment’s Emergency Response Team members, who are called away on an as-needed basis.

Although all of these officers are currently serving in our detachment area, it is of concern that local resources are being used to handle a dispute that has clearly gone on too long.

Adams is correct in saying the provincial government needs to step into the situation in Caledonia, which began in February 2006, and has cost taxpayers millions and millions of dollars. The OPP, or any other police force, should not be used as a long-standing peacekeeping resource. Responding to an emergency we understand, but a standoff turned into a stalemate is something else entirely.

The negotiations are not working, as the situation continues to flare up, and surely OPP resources could be better utilized in our district. Ontario Premier Dalton McGuinty should call up former Liberal premier David Peterson, who stepped into the breach two years ago to help solve the crisis, and demand some results.

While the officers seconded from Muskoka are being paid for by the province, as opposed to the District of Muskoka, there needs to be a more effective solution to negotiating situations like Caledonia, Deseronto and Ipperwash. The underlying issues at stake go far beyond provincial and certainly municipal jurisdictions. Having the OPP stand by to maintain civil order is a band-aid solution at best.

How much longer the McGuinty Liberals will let this pathetic stalemate continue before they develop constructive ways to remedy and prevent these disputes is unfortunately anyone’s guess.

KF


April 28, 2008

- The Activism at Six Nations today - neocolonialist version

Protesters refuse to clear Hwy 6


1 2
Ted Brellisford, The Hamilton Spectator.
click here to expandNatives gather below Highway 6 bypass at 6th Line Saturday ...
April 28, 2008
The Hamilton Spectator

CALEDONIA - Native protesters blocking the Highway 6 bypass in Caledonia are refusing to clear the road.

Spokesman Bryan Skye said Ontario Provincial Police asked this morning that barriers blocking each end of the bypass be dismantled. Protesters refused and say they’ll keep the road closed until police stand down from a confrontation in eastern Ontario.

Haldimand County Mayor Marie Trainer says some residents have already talked about taking the law into their own hands to end the Six Nations highway blockade.


Trainer says the renewed blockade is forcing motorists to go through Caledonia, straining a heritage bridge which is up for repairs in a few weeks.

She says it's putting even more strain on residents, some of whom have gathered near the occupation site to discuss taking action on their own.

The OPP and Mohawks have been staring each other down in Deseronto since Friday, when a native leader was arrested for breaching a court order.

Police removed a barrier blocking a road there at about 8.30 a.m. Natives at the Caledonia blockade said it was unmanned and that there was no violence. But a spokesman said the local blockade will continue until the standoff over an occupied quarry in Deseronto is resolved.

Skye said the Hwy 6 blockade is not connected to land claims issues in Caledonia
Instead, he said it is a show of support for Mohawks in eastern Ontario. Skye said is now part of a wider strategy among members of the Six Nations confederacy.

With files from The Canadian Press


Watch the video




April 11, 2008

The US Navy has shown an interest in this Glen Davis story .. Hmmmm.

Some VERY interesting names appear in this article from Vancouver's The Republic.

Can anyone spell

F-r-a-n-k G-i-u-s-t-r-a W-i-l-l-i-a-m C-l-i-n-t-o-n G-e-o-r-g-e HW B-u-s-h

Again I ask when do we get REAL North American coverage of deep investigative stories.

How much does Patrick Fitzgerald REALLY know?

All this is NOT Unrelated to the BAE scandal either, that I know.

HMMm mmmm ..

The late Glen Davis was no ordinary philanthropist

The murdered environmentalist inherited his wealth through connections that run from Conrad Black to Prince Philip

by Kevin Potvin

Glen W Davis, the reclusive environmental philanthropist found mysteriously shot to death in a Toronto parking garage May 18, was no ordinary businessman.

His wealth was inherited from his father, Nelson M Davis, who died of a heart attack in 1979 at the age of 72, when he was one of the richest men in Canada, and every bit the recluse his son turned out to be.

Nelson Davis was chair and president of NM Davis Corporation, his own secretive energy and mining investment company. More interestingly, Nelson Davis was also chair of Argus Corporation.

The Conrad connection

Argus was also originally a Canadian mining company founded in 1945 before it fell into the hands of one Conrad Black, who purchased a controlling interest in the company from the widow of the late Bud MacDonald, president of Argus till he died, in 1978. Black parlayed his gain into a purchase of Hollinger Mines, founded in 1909 and at one time the largest gold mining company in the Western Hemisphere. Black placed Hollinger under the control of his Nelson Davis-run Argus Corp, and placed Argus under his wholly owned parent company, Ravelston (named, bizarrely enough, after a minor character in a 1936 George Orwell novel who publishes a radical left-wing newspaper called The Antichrist in the basement of a derelict building).

Glen Davis’ father is not only described as Conrad Black’s early mentor, but he also sat at the nexus between the 34-year-old Black’s growing web of private companies and the public companies he was rapidly becoming invested in. Nelson Davis was not only Black’s senior by 42 years, he was by far the wealthier of the two men.

With Nelson Davis in charge of Hollinger through his chairman-ship of Argus, Black enticed to the board of Hollinger such right-wing luminaries as Henry Kissinger and Richard Perle. Perle also was hired by Black as president of Hollinger Digital, a subsidiary of Hollinger Inc. Black has been closely associated with many other men besides these who were also intimately involved in the criminal presidency of Richard Nixon, about whom Black has recently released a sympathetic biography. He also rose to a seat on the steering committee of the notorious Bilderberg Group.

Dad’s business

Glen Davis picked up where his father left off in 1979, after he died of a poolside heart attack in Arizona. He maintained much the same business interests as his father, as well as the connections. In the early 1980s, he struck up a relationship with Monte Hummel, then the president of World Wildlife Fund Canada, and now honoured as president-emeritus. Glen Davis went on to donate millions of dollars to plenty of causes in the years since, but none so much as what he donated to Hummel’s WWF.

The head office of the worldwide Prince Philip-launched WWF organization is strategically located in the secret banking enclave of Switzerland. WWF reported revenues in 2005 of US$121 million. Sitting on the current board of the Canadian branch of WWF are R B Matthews, president of Manitou Investments, which is deeply invested in mining concerns; Patricia Koval, a partner in powerful global law firm Torys LLP (alongside former Ontario Conservative Premier William Davis, no known relation to Glen); Bryce Hunter, chair of Huntro Investments, also involved in mining; and other top executives from AGF Management, Catalyst Paper Corp, J P Morgan, Morgan Stanley Canada, and Deloitte & Touche, as well as top executives from other leading banking and resource extraction companies. In a 2000 speech to members of the Davis Family Trust, Hummel offered that his first love, in the field of conservation, is the Canadian Barrens—the vast area between Hudson’s Bay and the MacKenzie River rich in minerals, including gold—containing perhaps the largest reserves of gold in the world according to analysts, though much of it remains inaccessible for now.

After meeting Hummel, Glen Davis, recent inheritor of what has been described as one of the largest personal fortunes in Canada (built up by his father through close association with Conrad Black, Henry Kissinger, and Richard Perle, through companies originally involved in resource extraction), also acquired a love for conservation and in particular for the Barrens area of Canada—the rich, largely untapped sea of resources first introduced to him by Hummel. He thereafter became a significant donor to Hummel’s WWF Canada fund, on whose board of directors sit the top executives of some of Canada’s—and the world’s—biggest resource extraction and banking companies, and began taking trips alone into the Barrens and becoming something of a world expert, with Hummel, on the region.

A secretive man

Davis was shot in the basement garage of the building housing WWF Canada, immediately after a meeting in WWF offices. The man who called Davis’ father his mentor, Conrad Black, is currently on trial in Chicago on embezzlement charges arising from the intricate financial relationship between Hollinger, Argus, and Ravelston that Black set up with Glen Davis’ father as his guide and mentor 30 years ago.

Police say they have no leads in the murder of Glen Davis, and no motive. He has been honoured by leading environmental organiza-tions for his largesse, but was said to be a very secretive man.

February 12, 2008

PHONE ACTIVISM to stop uranium mining and support First Nations

SLIMEY "BOTTOM FEEDER" CAUGHT IN SHARBOT LAKE
SLIMEY “BOTTOM FEEDER” CAUGHT
IN SHARBOT LAKE

MNN Sharbot Lake. Feb. 10, 2008. The phoney “Algonquin” protest to stop a uranium mine at Robertsville, near Sharbot Lake, has started up again. The original protest encampment at the mine gates started last summer. It’s one hour north of Kingston Ontario. Chief Doreen Davis of “Shabot Obaadjiwan First Nation”, Robert Lovelace of “Ardoch Algonquins” and six other people face charges in mid February for contempt of court and a $77 million lawsuit launched by Frontenac Ventures Corp.

The land in question is the area south of the Ottawa River which is part of Haudenosaunee Territory of the Mohawk Nation. The “Algonquin” visitors are claiming this land and trying to make a settlement with Ontario and Canada.

Who is Rem Westland? Why is he concerned about what MNN writes? He contacted MNN. He has a cottage at Sharbot Lake. He graduated from the Royal Military College in Kingston in 1970. He taught at Carleton University in Ottawa and then entered the civil service. He worked at the Privy Council Office (PCO) from 1989 to 1991. He became Director General of Claims and Treaty Land Entitlement at Indian Affairs from 1991 to 1995. He became Director General at Ontario Aboriginal Affairs from 1995 to 1997. this guy sure knows how to rise to the top and siphon off the cream. At National Defense he became Director General of Realty Policy and Plans and then Assistant Deputy Minister from 1998 to 1999. What a choice resume! Don’t you just wonder how he got to be born under such a lucky colonial star!

The Privy Council Office (PCO) is made up of unelected people who run the government behind the scenes. There are 16 secretariats with catchy Orwellian names like "Social Development Policy", "Machinery of Government", "Foreign and Defense Policy, "Security and Intelligence" and "Orders in Council". They write policies and give information to the Prime Minister and Cabinet Ministers. In other words, these are the guys that pull the strings. Forget about Demcoracy 101. They issue a lot of “Orders in Council”. This is a nifty way to do an end run around Parliament. It lets the shady powers that be do as they please.

Rem Westland has been involved in military and colonial confrontations with Indigenous communities like the Mohawk Oka Crisis in 1990, “Ipperwash” in 1995 and nuclear testing at “ Nanoose Bay ” in 1999 in British Columbia.

After the Mohawk Oka crisis Rem moved on to Indian Affairs and became the Director General of Claims and Treaty Land Entitlement. His associates were Indian Affairs Deputy Minister Dan Goodleaf [a Canadian of Mohawk ancestry from Kahnawake] and Associate Deputy Minister Rick Van Loon, all Mulroney appointees. They did everything they could to force Liberal Minister of Indian Affairs Ron Irwin to hand over the Lubicon Cree of Alberta issue to their pre-prepared base at the Justice Department.

According to Fred Lennarson, advisor to the Lubicon Cree for over 25 years, "Federal negotiators deliberately broke down Lubicon negotiations in January of 1989 with a "take-it-or-leave-it" offer. They knew it was unacceptable as it made no provision for the Lubicon Cree to become economically self-sufficient."

Then Indian Affairs created the “Woodland and Loon Cree First Nations” nearby to throw the Lubicon claim into total confusion. The Woodland Cree leadership was offered $30,000 for every Lubicon they could recruit to join them. Doesn’t that sound familiar?

Rem was at Ontario Aboriginal Affairs when Dudley George was murdered by the Ontario Provincial Police at Ipperwash on September 6 1995. Rem’s name comes up in the Ipperwash Inquiry Report as a shady government character throwing his weight around. How do you like that?

In 1998 to 1999 at National Defense Rem as Assistant Deputy Minister of Infrastructure & Environment and Director General of Realty Policy & Plans oversaw five other directorships: Nuclear Safety; Environment; Military Engineering; Infrastructure & Environment which includes Human Resources, information management and language quality; and Canadian Forces Housing Agency. Is that why their houses are almost as bad as the Ongwehonwe. Hey, man! This guy’s got more power than the Prime Minister.

At Nanoose Bay Rem negotiated the Nanoose Expropriation crisis in 1999. The U.S. military leased the area to test nuclear torpedoes in the Georgia Straits off Vancouver Island. The lease was going to end in 1999. The U.S. wanted to renew it so they could keep their nukes splashing around in the bay and their nuclear submarines cruising the waters. Each sub, two football fields long, can carry and launch enough nuclear missiles to "destroy every capital city in the northern hemisphere." [Gordon Edwards of the Canadian Coalition for Nuclear Responsibility]

"...Naval nuclear reactors in BC contain as much radiation in their core as several nuclear bombs, and use uranium fuel 133 times more enriched than a CANDU reactor. Nine nuclear propulsion reactors already litter the ocean floor along with 50 "lost" nuclear war heads”. OMG! That is dangerous! The sea water is going to eat into them. What a legacy for the future generations!

Westland signed an agreement with B.C. negotiator Lorne Seitz to keep nukes out of Nanoose Bay. David Anderson revoked it, which probably was the plan. The Pentagon gives $1 a year to Ottawa who turned it over to B.C. for the rent. We hope B.C. doesn’t go crazy over this windfall!

As Director General of Realty Policy and Plans from 1997 to 2003, Rem predicted and reported on "realty support" for defense, such as "lands, facilities and works". Facilities include bio-defense and research labs such as MREL [Mining Research Engineering Limited] at the Robertsville mine site. Last July the Mohawks caught MREL making and testing bombs and radiation dispersal devices. Nearby the military practiced maneuvers on a swing bridge at Ragged Chutes. Works includes roads, water and utilities. There is an army base, prisons, military colleges, universities and other military support institutions throughout the area. They need to get us out so they can set up extensive military installations on Haudenosaunee territory for who knows what?

Once the bit of uranium is dug up at Sharbot Lake and the people have fled the radiation, what military plans are in place to inflate Canada 's self-proclaimed image as an "energy and military superpower"?

Rem gathers financial, legislative and legal information for Defense. He has the Indian Affairs and Defense background to grease the wheels involving the pretend "Algonquins", the uranium mining companies and the military establishment.

He is now vice-president of “Corporate Research Group” as “team leader for Aboriginal Affairs”. They have contracts with Indian Affairs to pave an agreement between the Quebec Crees and Canada and Quebec for more dams and hydroelectric development on the many great rivers in Cree territory.

Rem’s specialty is to advise Aboriginal groups to buy land or businesses. If the Aboriginal group is in good standing with government officials, he can arrange financing.

Rem and his company advise the colonial governments, agencies and multinationals on how to cut to the chase by separating rights and business agendas. It sounds like he can ram through a uranium mine before any Native land claim is ever settled.

In his association with the Sharbot Lake Property Owners Association he publicly takes the environmentalist's point of view, but does the opposite behind the scenes. The association is part of the Federation of Ontario Cottagers Association (FOCA) committe which is currently reviewing the Ontario Mining Act. They want subsurface rights for their "properties" so they can decide on a uranium mine instead of prospectors coming in with $25 claims. What about the real owners of this beautiful area, the Haudenosaunee? Who are the other property “owners” working with him. Rem doesn’t work alone!

Rem sent a very telling email to MNN on February 8th: "I think the "Algonquin Claim" negotiations are very vulnerable, and will not settle, for a very long time...unless the parties … feed the historical facts onto the negotiations table. There is a great reluctance to do this … because there is a great big fiction going on which works well enough for some people..." [Is he referring to himself. Robert Lovelace and Doreen Davis, to name a few?]

"What should really be a Mohawk/Huron/Algonquin [Haudenosaunee] claim in the Frontenacs is misrepresented as an Algonquin claim - and people of First Nations descent must register as Algonquin to participate - simply for reasons of… historical denial…. because the record is very clear that the Algonquin did not have residency after the Mohawk came in [with the Hurons who are also Haudenosaunee. Both were there forever], and [the Algonquin] only began to establish residency long after contact. It serves the purpose of governments (federal and provincial) to support the fiction of continuous Algonquin presence."

Canada and Ontario put funds through “Algonquin Nation Negotiations Directorate” ANND, incorporated by Ontario, to pay for this fraud to steal Haudenosaunee territory. The ANND board is native and non-native. MNN answered Rem on February 8th as follows:
“You seem to be making the assumption that "settling" your fraudulent claims to our land is desirable for our people. Can't you see how unsettling it is? As you yourself admit, this is Haudenosaunee land. There is nothing to settle and never will be. All you have to do is just stop lying about history. That’s all there is to it!

“There is no legitimate Algonquin land claim in that area as everyone knows. There is no point getting back to square one because there is no square one. The whole deal is a totally non-sensical fraudulent scam. Are you the architect of all this b.s.?

“…There's no doubt about it, everyone involved is committing a crime. They have knowledge that they do not own what they are dealing with and they have the intent to dispossess us, the rightful owners. You know full well that we never gave you or anyone else the right to negotiate for our land. There is nothing to talk about. Go home and stop making money from everything that you are stealing from us. You are scamming the Canadian public, … chattering about something that you know nothing about and have less authority over it than a blue jay sitting in the tree where his ancestors have nested for millenia.

“ … go back to wherever your ancestors came from and look after your ancestral homeland which must be neglected because you have been here far too long. … go there and [see] if you really believe that your lethal military bases and chemical weapons are good for humanity, go sell it to your own relatives.

“ … you'd better stay off Haudenosaunee land if you have a single honest bone left in your body. You are a trespassing interloper and a bad guest. We know what you’ve done. Because of this, you are not welcome”. kahentinetha


Rem told MNN this mediation was supposed to be a “done deal”. The truth MNN put out derailed the criminal conspiracy. How many scumbags like Rem are running around doing all this dirty work for their corporate masters? You guys can’t hide forever. You’ll be found and outed! You may be able to fool a few people right now, but the coming generations will be able to see what you’ve been up to - if you don’t destroy the earth, that is! The Canadian government seems to be a magnet for crooks. The courts are biased in favor of the bureaucracy. They've supported the illegal colonization of Indigenous peoples for centuries. How can such criminal opportunism be stopped?


Iakoha'ko:wa near Sharbot Lake, Haudenosaunee Territory

Write Rem at . Or call him at 613 748-3945 (home) or 613 596-2910 x525 (office) or 613 279-2143 (cottage). His mailing address is 157 Acacia Ave., Rockcliffe, ON K1M 0R4

Sources and Notes: http://www.ccnr.org; http://www.dnd.ca; http://www.nisto.com; http://www.ainc-inac.gc.ca; http://www.slpoa.ca; http://www.thecrg.com; http://www.pco-bcp.gc.ca;[/b]
poster: katenies

December 04, 2007

Traditional Native Lifestyle Collides With Big Oil On Edge Of Alaska

Tension at the Edge of Alaska

Damon Winter/The New York Times

A bone from a Bowhead whale skull rests on the arctic shore outside of Barrow as monument to the defining role that whaling plays for this coastal community.

By JAD MOUAWAD
Published: December 4, 2007

BARROW, Alaska — Each summer and fall, the Inupiat, natives of Alaska’s arid north coast, take their sealskin boats and gun-fired harpoons and go whale hunting. Kills are celebrated throughout villages as whaling captains share their catch with relatives and neighbors. Muktuk, or raw whale skin and blubber, is a prized delicacy.

Multimedia
Damon Winter/The New York Times

The culture and traditions of the Inupiat revolve around whaling and seasonal hunting, which could be disrupted by a Prudhoe Bay-style oil development.

But now, that traditional way of life is coming into conflict with one of the modern world’s most urgent priorities: finding more oil.

Royal Dutch Shell is determined to exploit vast reserves believed to lie off Alaska’s coast. The Bush administration backs the idea and has issued offshore leases in recent years totaling an area nearly the size of Maryland.

Those leases have received far less attention than failed efforts to drill in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, but they may prove to be far more important. By some estimates, the oil under the Alaskan seabed could exceed the reserves remaining in the rest of the United States, though how much might ultimately be recoverable is uncertain.

Shell is eager to find out. It tried to make headway this summer, only to be stopped by an unusual alliance of Inupiat whalers and environmental groups who filed a suit in federal court.

They argue that noisy drilling off the Alaska coast could disrupt migration routes for the bowhead whales, making it impossible for the Inupiat to capture their allotted share of about 60 animals per year. A court hearing is scheduled for today to consider whether the company can move forward, though a ruling is not expected for months.

Native communities are not unalterably opposed to oil production — on the contrary, many rely on oil for their livelihoods. The North Slope Borough, a countylike governmental unit the size of Minnesota where most of Alaska’s 10,000 Inupiat live, gets the bulk of its $98 million budget each year from taxing onshore oil operations.

Native corporations also derive a large part of their business from serving the oil industry in Prudhoe Bay. Community leaders are caught between a desire to preserve traditional whaling and the economic necessity of permitting the oil industry to move into new areas.

“It’s a hell of a dilemma,” said Edward S. Itta, the mayor of the North Slope Borough, who is opposed to Shell’s drilling plans. “Without a doubt, America’s energy needs are way up, and something’s going to happen up there. It’s a way of life against an opposing value. This way of life has value; nobody can put it in dollars and cents.”

The oil resources off Alaska’s coast amount to some 27 billion barrels, according to government estimates, about the same as the original reserves of the giant Prudhoe Bay field discovered in 1968. That would be enough to satisfy America’s total oil consumption for three years if every last drop could be pumped, which is unlikely.

It is a tantalizing bonanza for the Bush administration, which has strongly backed exploration to make up for a decline in domestic oil production; for oil companies, which are scouring the world to find new supplies; and for Alaskan authorities, who need to keep the trans-Alaska pipeline flowing.

Returning to the Sea

Oil off Alaska’s coast is hardly a new discovery. Soon after petroleum was found under the North Slope 40 years ago, companies began to suspect there might be oil under the Beaufort Sea and beyond.

Shell was one of the early pioneers of Arctic exploration in the following decades but it abandoned the region along with other companies after the oil price collapse of the mid-1980s. Five years ago, as the company sought new places to drill, Shell geologists dusted off their old seismic surveys. They identified a spot called Hammerhead, where the company had first drilled in 1985. They renamed it Sivulliq, meaning “the first one” in Inupiat, and decided to drill there. The area, about 15 miles offshore in 110 feet of water, is just opposite the western coast of the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge.

Shell moved aggressively to secure offshore holdings after 2005. The company paid about $80 million for leases in the Beaufort Sea, outspending its competitors




If you look at the Arctic, this is an incredibly important energy resource for the United States,”
said Marvin Odum, Shell’s executive vice president for the Americas.
“Going in with paced development is the right way to go.”


Damon Winter/The New York Times

Roxanne Brower cuts muktuk (raw whale meat and skin) into small pieces for her daughter Lauren.

Damon Winter/The New York Times

North of Alaska’s Brooks Mountain Range, seen in an aerial view, Royal Dutch Shell is preparing to undertake an urgent offshore search for more oil reserves.

Mr. Odum says Shell is respectful of native rights and can safely drill in the Beaufort Sea without disturbing whales or whalers. The company offered to shut drilling operations during the whaling season and said it would monitor migration routes with the latest equipment, including unmanned aerial drones.

In February, Shell obtained its drilling permit from the Minerals Management Service, a government agency in charge of overseeing oil and gas production in federal waters. That allowed it to bring in a small armada of ships and emergency craft to prepare for the drilling season, which lasts 90 to 120 days in the summer, when the Beaufort Sea is largely free of ice.

But in April, environmental groups sued the agency, which is part of the Interior Department, asserting it had not taken adequate account of the risks any oil spill would pose to whales and other species.

The plaintiffs, later joined by the North Slope Borough and the Alaska Eskimo Whaling Commission, won an injunction in July from a three-judge panel of the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, in San Francisco, which ordered Shell not to drill while the case was under review. In September, the company lost an important ruling, effectively ending this year’s drilling efforts.

Both sides will present their arguments today, and the court is expected to rule before the next drilling season.

Mr. Odum, whose responsibilities at Shell span the Western Hemisphere, spent three days this summer as an observer on a hunt that captured two whales. The experience, he said, gave him a “visceral understanding” of whaling’s importance to native people, who refer to themselves interchangeably as Inupiat or Eskimos.

“The issue is how do we do this together in a way that does not interfere with the whale hunt,” Mr. Odum said. The company repainted one of its larger boats from bright orange to white and blue to make it less annoying to whales. It also reached an agreement with whalers on right of passage during the whaling season.

Despite the delays, Shell believes that its exploration program will be allowed to resume next year. In a bid to reach out to the Inupiat, the company says it spent several million dollars in community development projects on the North Slope; it declined to provide a specific figure. It gave $250,000, for example, to a science and engineering program at the University of Alaska geared toward native students.

But the company’s opponents argue that Shell moved into Alaska too aggressively, surprised the Inupiat with the scale of its operations and did a poor job of reaching out to them. “This lawsuit was a way of getting everyone’s attention and to get our concerns addressed,” said Mr. Itta, the mayor.

New Wave of Development

Not everyone here sees Shell as a threat. Richard Glenn, vice president of the Arctic Slope Regional Corporation, the biggest Eskimo-run business, says the oil industry is vital to indigenous communities. The corporation runs a series of energy and construction businesses, and redistributes more than $200 million a year in profits to the Eskimos.

“To say that the oil and gas industry succeeds does not mean that our culture fails,”
Mr. Glenn said.

The controversy on the North Slope is the most visible sign of a new wave of oil development in Alaska. The Interior Department has been auctioning rights in the Beaufort Sea for five years, and it plans more sales there .

Environmentalists are concerned about what they see as the unchecked expansion of the oil industry in Alaska. They said they saw no contradiction in their support for native rights, including whaling rights, and their long-term effort to protect whales and other species.

“The bowhead whale is an icon of cultural identity for the Inupiat people,”

said Rachel James, a campaigner at Pacific Environment, one of the groups suing the government.

“Our concerns are over human rights issues, access for subsistence users to resources, and the protection of endangered species.”

The bowhead whale — Balaena mysticetus — is a member of the right whale family. Its skull is so powerful that it can crash through two feet of ice to reach the surface to breathe. Its numbers were greatly reduced in the era of commercial whaling, but it has made a modest recovery, and hunting by the Inupiat is not considered a threat.

From the Inupiat perspective, the big fear about oil drilling is that the inevitable noise will drive whales so far offshore they will be impossible to hunt with the limited traditional gear that villagers use.

Whale Meat in the Kitchen

In Barrow, signs of the whales can be found everywhere. Their curved skulls are displayed in front of public buildings and along the town’s coastline. The high school mascot is a smiling harpoon-wielding whaler.

“This is a community that depends on the Arctic Ocean for survival,”
said Charles F. Hopson, a member of Barrow’s whaling commission.

The other day, an Eskimo named Lewis Brower took out a hunting knife, opened his refrigerator and lopped off a big chunk of raw whale meat. He cut a sliver for his 2-year-old daughter, Lauren, who gulped it between sips from a bottle.

“Nothing tastes like it,”
Mr. Brower said.

Mr. Brower’s home, at the end of a wind-swept street, is decorated with pictures of whaling campaigns. He explained that a few weeks previously, he spent 12 hours helping butcher a 47-foot-long whale that was landed by Mayor Itta’s crew. It was carved on the beach and divided among village families. The captain’s wife cooked a big dinner for the entire village that evening.

Mr. Brower, whose family has had 32 years of uninterrupted success catching whales, is concerned that these traditions, which have united villagers and helped them survive for centuries, might get lost in an offshore drilling boom.

“They’re coming to our lands and disturbing our ancestral way of life,” he said. “How would you feel if I drilled in the middle of the New York Harbor?”

November 28, 2007

Harper's new Indigenous Policy

HARPER GOES NATIVE

Jordan Himmelfarb in Mediascout:

The National goes inside with a new bill from the Conservative government meant to help settle Canada’s more than eight hundred outstanding native land claim disputes. The bill proposes the establishment of an independent tribunal of Superior Court judges, which would be charged with the settlement of land claims that have died or have been stalled for at least three years. Under the current, phlegmatic system, in which the federal government is the sole deciding body in land-claims disputes, it takes an average of thirteen years to achieve a settlement. If the bill becomes law, the government will also commit $250 million per year for ten years to work through the hundreds of unresolved claims, only a tiny percentage of which are, as of now, being actively negotiated. Phil Fontaine, the national chief of the Assembly of First Nations, co-authored the bill and is quoted on The National as saying: “I’m confident this will work because it’s our process as well.” However, not all native groups are as confident. An article from yesterday’s issue of the Globe details the concerns outlined in a letter from Grand Chief Ken Malloway, chairman of the British Columbia Specific Claims Committee, who argues that the bill was drafted with insufficient consultation and does not offer enough money to deal with the claims in a timely fashion.

November 24, 2007

Va. tribes fail to gain sovereign nation status

'Broken promises to Indians' lamented as Jamestown events wind down

By Brigid Schulte

They have donned their fringed buckskin, bone breastplates and finest headdresses made of turkey feather or porcupine hair. They have danced for the Queen of England. They have smiled for President George W. Bush.

At every turn during this Jamestown 400 Commemoration, Virginia's remaining Indian tribes have done everything asked of them.

As the anniversary year draws to a close, however, they do not have the one thing they wanted most: federal recognition as sovereign Indian nations, equal to the Navajo, Arapaho and the Sioux. "First to greet. Last to be recognized," had been their rallying cry. Now, many Virginia Indians find themselves in a familiar, hollow place.

"You're left feeling that this is all kind of superficial, from the Indian point of view. Like we were used one more time,"
said Chief Ann Richardson of the Rappahannock tribe.
"You feel like in 2008, they might just forget about us again."

"Broken promises to Indians,"
added Chief Ken Adams of the Upper Mattaponi.
"The cycle does repeat itself, doesn't it?"

On Wednesday, leaders from some of the eight state-recognized Indian tribes again donned their regalia to offer their annual Thanksgiving tribute of fish and game to the governor, honoring the 1646 treaty with the British Crown that gave them the reservation land that over the centuries only two tribes, the Pamunkey and Mattaponi, have been able to hold on to.

There was such excitement this time last year, tribal members said, as they readied for the world's eyes. "Now, we're afraid that we've lost the moment," said Reginald Tupponce, an Upper Mattaponi leader who recently resigned his position from the Virginia Indian Tribal Alliance for Life, a group that hosts pow wows and yard sales and raffles baked goods to raise funds to lobby for federal recognition.

Uncertain road to recognition


The road to federal recognition for any tribe is steep and uncertain. The Bureau of Indian Affairs has a Federal Office of Acknowledgement that requires tribes to prove, with reams of exacting documents and genealogies, that they have been in continuous existence from the time of first contact with European settlers. That's 400 years for Virginia Indians.

"The procedures put in place were so stringent, they were designed to limit the groups that could come in,"
said Mark E. Miller, a historian who has written books about forgotten eastern tribes.

So a process that was designed to take two years for the 300-some tribes that have applied instead generally takes 20, according to the Government Accountability Office.

Some tribes have instead appealed to Congress. But some powerful figures, such as Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.), argue that lawmakers do not have the expertise to make the call. And in the days since the Indian gaming/Jack Abramoff scandal that sent lobbyists to jail for defrauding Indian tribes, the route through Congress has become close to impossible.

Tupponce remembers sitting in the gallery high above the House of Representatives in spring, holding his breath as lawmakers debated whether to pass the legislation that would give sovereign status to six Virginia tribes: the Chickahominy, Eastern Chickahominy, Nansemond, Upper Mattaponi, Rappahannock and Monacan.

The bill would enable their children to apply for scholarships and would open up federal funds for housing, health care and economic development.

It would mean that they could finally petition the federal government to return the bones of their ancestors from the drawers and boxes of Smithsonian warehouses to be buried with respect, something that only tribes with federal status are allowed to do.

But that day, all lawmakers argued about was gambling. This time, though, Virginia Indians had signed away their right to it.

Bill held up over gambling


Rep. Frank Wolf (R-Va.), a fierce opponent of gambling, had nearly single-handedly held up their bill for eight years. Now, he was finally giving his grudging support.

"My concern is not with the federal recognition of Virginia's Indian tribes,"
Wolf told his colleagues.
"It has always been with the explosive spread of gambling and the potential for casino gambling to come to Virginia."

Other lawmakers called the tribes "arrogant" for trying to bypass the Bureau of Indian Affairs. Tupponce shook his head. They had tried to apply at the bureau. But when the chiefs met with bureau officials in the late 1990s, they were emphatically told that their petitions would probably not be looked at in their lifetimes. And if they were, the actions of Walter A. Plekker, who served as head of the state's Bureau of Vital Statistics for much of the 20th century and changed the race on all their birth, death and marriage records from "Indian" to "colored," would make their case almost impossible to prove.

So it was such a sweet moment, Tupponce said, when the bill passed that May day. After eight years of lobbying, it was the farthest they had gotten. Three days later, the Queen of England, the president and television crews from around the world would arrive in Jamestown for the vaunted Anniversary Weekend.

"We had so much momentum in the House leading up to the Anniversary Weekend. The coalescence of those two events seems more than coincidental,"
said Karenne Wood, a member of the Monacan Nation.
"Some people are suggesting that they were just making sure that there wouldn't be public protests. And I wouldn't disagree."

After the high of the weekend, everything stopped. Sen. John W. Warner (R-Va.), who had in previous years given his support to the recognition bill, was silent. And newly elected Sen. James Webb (D-Va.) said he needed time to study their history and claims. After months, sending staffers to dig in historical records and scrutinize genealogies, Webb was satisfied. On Nov. 8, flanked by tribal leaders, he held a news conference announcing his support.

He knows he moved too late in the political game for the tribes to get their recognition this year, as they had so wanted.

"I don't work like that,"
Webb said.
"The key for me was to establish their continuous presence. Without that, we would be responding to the political emotions of the time."

What finally convinced him, he said, was finding that Virginia Indians were excluded from President Andrew Jackson's 1830 Indian Removal Order that sent eastern Indians to western territories to make room for more white settlers. Virginia Indians by that time had lost almost all of their land. They were no longer in the way.

Conflicted feelings

Many Virginia Indians now say that what they feel most strongly is conflicted. They are still without federal recognition. But people as far away as Russia and India now know the story of Jamestown from the Indians' point of view and of their survival all these centuries later, finally dispelling the notion that they'd all been "routed and dispersed" by 1700.

Steven Adkins, chief of the Chickahominy tribe, ticked off his legacies of the Jamestown 400 year. The Department of Historic Resources began putting up highway markers recognizing native history, including the settlers' massacre of an entire Paspahegh village. The state's Standards of Learning materials, which once mentioned only Pocahontas and taught erroneously that the Virginia Indians were nomadic, have been corrected. Indians organized teacher training seminars and Web sites.

They have traveled to England, to Pocahontas's grave, and met with members of Parliament. They have been consulted as advisers on every Jamestown event and in the archaeological excavation of the recently uncovered Powhatan capital city, Werowocomoco. Chief Richardson recently gave a talk at the Holocaust Memorial Museum about Plekker's "bureaucratic genocide." They have published a full-color Virginia Indian Heritage Trail for tourists. They have worked with local museums to more accurately reflect their history. They threw pots, strung beads and shared their traditional culture -- what little they have been able to piece together of it through a process of what they call "cultural reclamation" -- at the Smithsonian Folklife Festival.

"We have to remember that the story would not have reached as many ears were it not for this signal moment"
of the commemoration, Adkins said.

Just after the Webb news conference this month, Wayne Adkins, a Chickahominy assistant chief, and Keith Smith, a member of the Nansemond tribe, walked to their car in the chill morning. Adkins wore a bolo tie with painted antler horn, felt cowboy hat and a colorful felt vest with Indian geometric designs. Smith wore an eagle bone whistle draped around his neck, a sign of honor in his tribe.

The two are pragmatic. If not 2007, then 2008. "Some people are saying that in 2008, they'll push us back in the corner again, and we'll never get recognition," Adkins said. "But if that happens, then it'll be our own fault."

Smith stopped short.

"Look! Look!" he said.

"A hawk. A broad-shouldered hawk."

The fierce-eyed bird had flown into a bare tree just ahead.

"That's a good sign!"
Smith said.

He stopped to say good morning to the hawk, as a group of congressional staffers in seemingly identical blue suits and polished shoes walked by, snickering.

November 23, 2007


GOING BACK TO THE TABLE, SEVENTEEN YEARS LATER

Via mediascout. com

The Globe goes inside with a BC court’s ruling in favour of a First Nations land claim. Although the court stopped short of handing the Xeni Gwet'in people a complete victory in their seventeen-year legal battle with the provincial government, the ruling vindicated the aboriginal title over 45 percent of the 440,000 hectares claimed. The court, however, made its ruling non-binding and recommended that the lengthy, detailed decision serve as the basis for good faith negotiations between the government and First Nation—going so far as to state that it was always their hope that the parties would come to an agreement. The native band plans to ask the government to adopt the ruling as a settlement, to eliminate the need for more litigation. Regardless of the specifics, the band chief sees the ruling as a landmark that positions his people to exercise control over the business and development that takes place on their lands. Though both the federal and provincial governments declined to comment on the ruling’s implication, according to aboriginal-law expert Robert Janes, the court’s decision strengthens the negotiating hand of First Nations.

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