Showing posts with label Dan Froomkin. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Dan Froomkin. Show all posts

November 22, 2010

The Two Most Essential, Abhorrent, Intolerable Lies Of George W. Bush's Memoir

"That disinformation campaign continues today, in "Decision Points." If we forget what really happened, it just might succeed."  ~ Dan Froomkin's review of Decision Points by Bushwacker.
The New York Times' review of the book is so lacking in authority I didn't even publish a link to it.  A very sorry excuse for someone who just read pages and pages of lies and distortions, I thought.

So here is THE review I have been waiting for and it's from Dan Froomkin, of the Washington Post (a literary heart throb for me) - who takes to tasks as many of the cheap tawdry assertions of GWB as is practible.  Obviously the statement aboves explains WHY he does this.  The US press is as guilty of lies and distortions as the former (p)Resident and must be taken to task for their COLLABORATION.  So Froomkin shows us what is involved in the two (biggest) lies, furnishing the time line, the rationalizations, the proof of the written and videotaped) record.

Sometimes, Froomkin just posts a BushISM and then makes appropriate marks - example below as when Chimpie responds to Lauer's questions about dissenters to going to war versus Iraq/Saddam . . .

BUSH: I was -- I was a dissenting voice. I didn't wanna use force.
For the nation's journalists to allow this outrageous lie to go uncontested is particularly galling. 

After a thorough discussion of the whole debacle, Froomkin then attacks all the lies about torture AND the use of cruelty -and he does a pretty thorough job of making Bu$h look sociopathic into the bargain.  There are multiple experts trotted out to bolster OUR view that this was so outside the limits of legality as to be astonished forever, but here is just one that resonates six years into the crushing of American morality to consider:

 Senator Rockefeller concluded in March 2008:
As Chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee, I have heard nothing to suggest that information obtained from enhanced interrogation techniques has prevented an imminent terrorist attack. And I have heard nothing that makes me think the information obtained from these techniques could not have been obtained through traditional interrogation methods used by military and law enforcement interrogators. On the other hand, I do know that coercive interrogations can lead detainees to provide false information in order to make the interrogation stop.


I am particularly fond of his use of Alberto Moro as a source of torture commentary as well.




Froomkin's torture link:  

http://www.niemanwatchdog.org/index.cfm?fuseaction=background.view&backgroundid=00272

August 10, 2008

(BuZh) Foot-Dragging to the Finish: Dan Froomkin

Special to washingtonpost.com
Friday, August 8, 2008; 11:57 AM

President Bush often talks about how he intends to " sprint to the finish." Meanwhile, his legal team is engaged in an entirely different race against time.

A federal judge last week sternly rebuked the White House for asserting that its aides are immune from congressional oversight, ordered a former and current staffer to comply with outstanding congressional subpoenas, and strongly encouraged the White House and Congress to reach some sort of compromise.

But Bush White House officials apparently aren't interested in anything other than running out the clock. Can they postpone potentially incriminating testimony until after the November election? Can they make it all the way to Jan. 20?

Dan Eggen writes in The Washington Post: "White House Chief of Staff Joshua B. Bolten and former White House counsel Harriet E. Miers yesterday asked a federal judge to delay an order to cooperate with Congress while they appeal the ruling.

"The court filings indicate that Bolten and Miers will continue to resist subpoenas from the House Judiciary Committee as the Bush administration heads into its final months. . . .

"Lawmakers are seeking testimony from Miers and documents from Bolten related to the firings of nine U.S. attorneys in 2006. After [U.S. District Judge John D.] Bates's ruling, Democrats announced they would schedule hearings on the issue in September -- less than two months before the presidential elections."

Jesse J. Holland writes for the Associated Press: "Bates did not immediately rule on their request. . . . The judge asked House lawyers to respond by next week. . . .

"Whatever the proper resolution of the extraordinarily important questions presented, the public interest clearly favors further consideration of issues before defendants are required to take actions that may forever alter the constitutional balance of separation of powers," the Bolten and Miers request said."

After last week's ruling, Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Patrick Leahy reasserted his demand for testimony from Bolten and former chief White House political guru Karl Rove, in connection with Senate subpoenas issued in June and July of last year. He also asked White House Counsel Fred Fielding to publicly retract his finding of absolute immunity for top aides.

In a letter to Leahy yesterday, Fielding struck a defiant tone. "[W]e believe that entertaining any requests for Mr. Bolten's compliance with the Senate Judiciary Committee subpoena should await a final resolution by the courts. In regard to my August 1, 2007 letter to Mr. Rove, please be advised that, consistent with the above, the view stated therein remains the position of the Administration on the question of immunity for close Presidential advisors."

Leahy responded with this statement: "For more than a year, Karl Rove and the President's chief of staff have hidden behind baseless and unprecedented claims of 'absolute immunity' not to appear in compliance with subpoenas. They continue to withhold critical evidence and testimony and to act as if they are above the law because they work at the White House. This claim was rejected by Judge Bates after months of consideration. Still, the White House refuses to appear or cooperate. This continuing contempt of Congress is another example of the lengths to which this administration will go and how it uses government lawyers to protect its actions from scrutiny and increase its power, rather than respect the rule of law."

Also yesterday, House Judiciary Chairman John Conyers Jr. (D-Mich.) sent a letter to the Republican National Committee arguing that the ruling also applies to e-mail records the RNC has refused to turn over in connection with the U.S. attorneys probe.

On the Inside Track

The president's legal team also has to worry about an executive branch investigation that, according to investigative reporter Murray Waas, is now reaching into the White House.

Waas writes for Huffingtonpost.com: "The Justice Department investigation into the firings of nine U.S. attorneys has been extended to encompass allegations that senior White House officials played a role in providing false and misleading information to Congress, according to numerous sources involved in the inquiry.

"The widened scope raises the possibility that investigators will pursue criminal charges against some administration officials, and recommend appointment of a special prosecutor if there is evidence of criminal misconduct. . . .

"One senior Bush administration official told me that White House staffers talk about their 'nightmare scenario' in which any one of the three currently internal DOJ probes 'spins out of control' and leads to the appointment of a special prosecutor with broad authority. . . .

"The investigators have been specifically probing the role of White House officials in the drafting and approval of a Feb. 23, 2007 letter sent to Congress by the Justice Department denying that Karl Rove . . . had anything to do with the firing of Bud Cummins, a U.S. Attorney from Arkansas. Cummins was fired in Dec. 2006 to make room for Tim Griffin, a protégé and former top aide of Rove's.

"The February 23 letter stated, 'The department is not aware of Karl Rove playing any role in the decision to appoint Mr. Griffin,' and that the Justice Department was 'not aware of anyone lobbying, either inside or outside of the administration, for Mr. Griffin's appointment.'

"Federal investigators have obtained documents showing that Kyle Sampson, then-chief of staff to Attorney General Alberto Gonzales, and Chris Oprison, then an associate White House counsel, drafted and approved the letter even though they had first-hand knowledge that the assertions were not true. . . .

"Oprison, in turn, consulted with White House Counsel Fred Fielding and Deputy White House Counsel Bill Kelley in approving the draft of the letter, according to a review of White House records undertaken in response to questions for this story."

Waas writes that "some witnesses to the investigation told me that they have been asked specifically about Rove's own personal efforts.

"Two former senior Justice Department officials, former Deputy Attorney General Paul McNulty and principal Associate General William Moscella, have separately provided damaging information to the two internal investigative agencies.

"Both, according to sources familiar with their still-confidential testimony, said they inadvertently gave misleading testimony to Congress about the firings of the U.S. attorneys because they were misled by Rove himself in addition to other White House figures."


July 23, 2008

Well, can BuZh pardon others for WAR CRIMES ???

conservative Lawyers Urge Bush To Issue ‘Pre-Emptive Pardons’ To Officials Involved In Illegal Programs»

bush.jpgThe New York Times reported this weekend that “[f]elons are asking President Bush for pardons and commutations at historic levels as he nears his final months in office, a time when many other presidents have granted a flurry of clemency requests.” However the Times noted that despite commuting Scooter Libby’s prison sentence, applicants “should expect to be disappointed” because Bush “has made little use of his clemency power” compared to past presidents.

Except perhaps if you participated in any illegal activity involving the Bush administration’s controversial counterterrorism programs. According to the Times, “several members of the conservative legal community” in Washington D.C. are urging Bush to issue “pre-emptive pardons” to those involved so as to “not be exposed even to the risk of an investigation and expensive legal bills”:

Such a pardon would reduce the risk that a future administration might undertake a criminal investigation of operatives or policy makers involved in programs that administration lawyers have said were legal but that critics say violated laws regarding torture and surveillance.

Some legal analysts said Mr. Bush might be reluctant to issue such pardons because they could be construed as an implicit admission of guilt. […]

“The president should pre-empt any long-term investigations,” said Victoria Toensing, who was a Justice Department counterterrorism official in the Reagan administration. “If we don’t protect these people who are proceeding in good faith, no one will ever take chances.”

Stuart Taylor, Jr., a constitutional law fellow at Brookings, agrees, saying in a recent Newsweek column that investigations into the Bush administration’s “high level ‘war crimes’” are a “bad idea” and instead called for a “truth commission“:

A criminal investigation would only hinder efforts to determine the truth, and preclude any apologies. It would spur those who know the most to take the Fifth. Any prosecutions would also touch off years of partisan warfare. […]

Absent pardons, pressure to go after GOP “war criminals” would make it very hard to unite Americans of all stripes behind solutions to the many economic and social challenges facing the country.

In fact, the conservative D.C. lawyer circuit may just get its wish. The White House “would not say whether the administration was considering pre-emptive pardons, nor whether it would rule them out.” (HT: Dan Froomkin)


June 11, 2008

Dan Froomkin article from yesterday (see the comments !)

White House Fails Self-Examination

Special to washingtonpost.com
Tuesday, June 10, 2008; 1:14 PM

A glimpse of what "internal review" means to this White House supports the theory that top Bush aides have little interest in self-examination or public disclosure.

After a Sept. 2006 Congressional report based on records from convicted influence peddler Jack Abramoff's lobbying firm revealed 485 contacts between Abramoff and his associates and White House officials, then-press secretary Tony Snow promised White House lawyers would take a "good hard look" at the relationship with Abramoff. "We'll let you know what they found out," Snow said. "That's an important concern, and it's worth looking into."

Four days later, an assistant to political guru Karl Rove was jettisoned from the White House. Susan Ralston, who had worked for Abramoff before Rove, had accepted tickets to nine events from her old boss while providing him information and access.

And with that, White House spokeswoman Dana Perino announced: Our review of the House Government Reform Committee's report is complete. . . . We expect nothing more after our thorough review."

How thorough was that review? A new Abramoff report released by the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee yesterday -- this one based on documents and testimony from White House officials -- finds no evidence of any review at all.

"The Committee asked several former White House officials interviewed or deposed by the Committee whether the White House contacted them to inquire about their contacts with Mr. Abramoff. None of the White House officials who spoke with the Committee had any recollection of White House officials asking them about their contacts with Mr. Abramoff or his associates," the report states.

"[T]he White House never questioned five former White House officials who were key points of contact for the Abramoff team. For example, [Matt Schlapp, a former White House director of political affairs] who testified that Mr. Abramoff was a resource for him and was known and respected at the White House while he was serving there, did not recall any consultation from White House officials before they made public statements about Mr. Abramoff's minimal contacts with the White House." And so on.

"This evidence suggests that the White House failed to conduct even the most basic internal investigation of the White House relationship with Mr. Abramoff before making public statements characterizing the connection between Mr. Abramoff and the White House."

Pete Yost writes for the Associated Press: "In response, White House spokesman Tony Fratto noted the 'difficulty of conducting in-house investigations while there are other ongoing investigations outside the White House.' The Justice Department has been investigating the Abramoff scandal since 2004."

The Coverage

Marisa Taylor writes for McClatchy Newspapers: "Convicted superlobbyist Jack Abramoff influenced White House actions while his firm wooed administration officials over expensive meals and plied them with box tickets to sporting events, according to a House of Representatives committee report released Monday.

"The House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform said Monday that it had received new White House documents and testimony that confirmed 80 White House contacts with Abramoff and uncovered 70 others despite White House assertions that Abramoff had vastly overblown his administration connections. Abramoff, who's cooperating with federal prosecutors after pleading guilty in an expanding corruption investigation, previously reported that his former firm had more than 400 contacts with White House officials.

"The House report obtained photos of Abramoff meeting President Bush on six occasions, including political receptions. Bush has said he doesn't remember Abramoff, and the White House has refused to release the photos. The committee posted low-quality versions of them on its Web site Monday after receiving them from the White House."

James V. Grimaldi writes in The Washington Post: "Then-lobbyist Jack Abramoff influenced some White House decisions by lavishing exclusive sports tickets and meals on political staff members, but there is no evidence that President Bush was involved, a congressional panel said in a draft report yesterday. . . .

"Primary among successes by Abramoff's team, the report found, was persuading Bush officials to seek the removal of Alan Stayman from the State Department position overseeing the relationship with the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, a major client of Abramoff and his firm, Greenberg Traurig. . . .

"In the Stayman matter, an e-mail exchange showed the potential sensitivity in the White House. Public affairs director Matt Schlapp wrote, 'how do we fix this?' Monica Kladakis, a personnel deputy, replied, 'I think we can do something about it, but . . . I don't want a firing scandal on our hands.'

"Among those getting tickets was senior adviser Karl Rove, who paid Abramoff $150 for three tickets to the NCAA basketball tournament on March 17, 2002. Rove also had use of the suite at Verizon Center to treat his class of College Republicans to a Washington Capitals hockey game on Nov. 9, 2002. . . .

"White House spokesman Tony Fratto said the report 'confirms what has become clear in all of this -- Abramoff was spectacularly unsuccessful in influencing administration policy.'"

The authors of the report note that their investigation was "hindered in several ways that limit the scope of the Committee's conclusions.

"First, six individuals, including three former White House officials, whom the Committee sought to depose or interview refused in whole or in part to answer the Committee's questions on Fifth Amendment grounds. Second, the Committee did not take the depositions of several relevant lobbyists identified in the 2006 Committee staff report, including Mr. Abramoff himself, because the Department of Justice expressed concern that congressional depositions could undermine ongoing investigations. Third, the Justice Department asked to withhold documents from the Committee out of a similar concern. Fourth, several of the individuals deposed or interviewed by the Committee asserted that they were unable to recall the specifics of some of the matters under investigation, which occurred four to seven years ago."

And then there's this: "It is possible the investigation was also made more difficult by the fact that some White House officials may have used e-mail accounts maintained by the Republican National Committee to discuss Abramoff matters among themselves. The RNC informed the Committee that it has retained few or no e-mails for these officials for the relevant time period."

Karl Rove Was Fired

Karl Rove's official explanation for why he decided to leave the White House last August was "I just think it's time."

But according to a new Rove biography by Paul Alexander, it wasn't a time of his choosing. In "Machiavelli's Shadow: The Rise and Fall of Karl Rove," Alexander writes that Rove was fired.

"On a Sunday in midsummer, George W. Bush accompanied Karl Rove to the Episcopalian Church Rove sometimes attended. Though he did not consider himself a believer, Rove still went to church on occasion, at least for appearance's sake. On the other hand, Bush enjoyed attending church and had since he had joined the Methodist Church years before at his wife's urging. So, on this Sunday, Rove thought he was doing what he often did: spending time with the man for whom he had worked, almost exclusively, for nearly a decade and a half. The two men entered the church along with their wives. They made their way to the front of the congregation. Then, during their time in the church, Bush gave Rove some stunning news.

"'Karl,' Bush said, 'there's too much heat on you. It's time for you to go.'"

In the calm solitude of the church, these were no doubt the last words Rove expected to hear. But Bush had said them. They were now a reality. As anyone who serves at the pleasure of the president knows, Rove had to do as he was told."

"'Yes, sir, Mr. President. I understand.'"

"He did, too. After that Sunday, what Rove had to do was in-vent a story he could tell the world-literally the world, since news of his departure from the White House would be splashed on the front pages of newspapers around the globe-that would claim he was leaving of his own accord when in fact he was not."

Alexander attributes that scene to "a source close to a key adviser to the president." He also quotes "one of Bush's counselors" in a conversation with "a political consultant" about Bush's rationale: "'There were four main reasons,' the counselor said. First, problems might still arise in Texas as a result of information Jack Abramoff may not have yet given regarding the DeLay investigation. Second, government documents had been altered by Rove's former assistant Susan Ralston when she had changed Rove's calendar, at his instruction, to cover up meetings he had had with Abramoff. Third, potential violations of the Hatch Act had occurred when Rove's PowerPoint presentation was used in lecturing government workers about how to help Republicans get elected. Fourth, the Senate Judiciary Committee had the e-mails that proved Rove was involved in the US attorney scandal. With all of this, Bush had no choice but to let Rove go."

Torture Watch

The American Civil Liberties Union is calling on Congress to focus on the National Security Council role in setting the nation's torture policies.

The ACLU explains: "The recent Justice Department Inspector General report on the FBI's role in interrogations helps substantiate that the NSC was the decision-maker on interrogations. The IG reports that there were 'regular (sometimes weekly)' meetings on detainee issues by the NSC Policy Coordinating Committee (that included top attorneys from the relevant agencies), and that unresolved issues were bumped up first to the NSC Deputies Committee (made up of the number two officials at departments such as Justice, Defense, State, and the CIA), and then to the NSC Principals Committee (chaired by Rice and including Cheney, the Attorney General, the director of the CIA, and secretaries of Defense and State). Although the IG's focus was on the FBI, he describes various efforts by Justice Department and FBI officials to raise concerns about the interrogations, and many of those expressions of concern went to NSC officials or to NSC committees."

The group's senior legislative counsel Christopher Anders said in statement: "The Inspector General's references to the National Security Council provide a small window into what has been a completely hidden and ignored piece of the torture puzzle -- but perhaps the most important piece of all. It is now the job of Congress to crack that window open more, and shed some light on what was going on in the basement of the White House. The central locus of decisions on torture may very well have been the National Security Council under Condoleezza Rice's leadership, but the NSC and Rice have made it through four years since Abu Ghraib with almost no oversight or attention. It is time for the NSC and Rice to be held accountable for any torture authorized under her watch."

NPR's Bob Garfield over the weekend asked former White House spokesman turned author Scott McClellan to account for his mouthing of torture talking points. Garfield played an example from June 2004, when McClellan has this to say about Bush: "He does not condone torture and he has never authorized the use of torture. The President has made that very clear in the past, and he continues to hold that view, because we are a nation of - certain laws and certain values, and torture is not consistent with our values and with our laws."

McClellan told Garfield: "On the waterboarding issue, I now look back on that, and I didn't know the specifics about that. I wasn't briefed into that from a classification standpoint. But I was told by others in the administration that it's not torture, and I did go out and defend that.

"And some actually in the administration view it that way. They view what they were telling me as the truth. I don't see how stepping back from it and knowing what we know now about that, that you can view it as anything but torture."

McClellan To Testify

Michael Abramowitz writes in The Washington Post: "Former White House press secretary Scott McClellan has agreed to testify next week before the House Judiciary Committee about his assertions that top Bush administration officials misled him about their role in the leak of the identity of CIA operative Valerie Plame Wilson.

"In his new book, 'What Happened,' McClellan writes that then-White House political adviser Karl Rove and then-vice presidential chief of staff I. Lewis 'Scooter' Libby deceived him about their involvement in the leak -- prompting him to pass on inaccurate information to reporters.

"The disclosure drew the attention of Judiciary Committee Chairman John Conyers Jr. (D-Mich.). He has expressed particular interest in McClellan's assertion that he had been directed by then-White House Chief of Staff Andrew H. Card Jr. to vouch for Libby's lack of involvement, as he had for Rove."

McClellan was on MSNBC's Countdown last night, where he told Keith Olbermann: "I'll tell them what I know. I am not going to get into things that I don't know about."

Senate Intel Report Watch

Olbermann also asked McClellan for his reaction to the Senate Intelligence Committee report released last week. As I wrote in Friday's column, the long-awaited report found that the administration's most compelling charges in the run-up to war -- for instance, that Saddam Hussein was about to supply al-Qaeda with nuclear weapons -- were simply made up.

McClellan: "What I do know is that the White House never wanted to have the way the case was made, the way the intelligence was used to sell the war to the American people looked into or investigated by Congress. This was delayed for quite some time. And finally Chairman Rockefeller, Senator Rockefeller, pushed this forward to get to the truth. And the White House can continue to bury their heads in the sand, but the reality is still the same. I think the American people see it for exactly what it is."

The Philadelphia Inquirer editorial board writes: "President Bush awarded the Medal of Honor last week to Army Pfc. Ross McGinnis, a Pennsylvania native who died in Iraq after throwing himself on a grenade, saving the lives of four other soldiers.

"Three days later, the Senate released a report that concluded that Bush and his aides repeatedly overstated the threat posed by Iraq in the run-up to the war.

"McGinnis' valor is without question. The 19-year-old from Knox, Pa., gave his life not only to his country but especially to the fellow soldiers he saved in Baghdad in December 2006. Presenting the Medal of Honor to McGinnis' parents was 'a high privilege,' said Bush. His sentiments are echoed by many Americans.

"But the timing of the award and the Senate intelligence committee report serves as a stark reminder that the deaths of McGinnis and more than 4,000 U.S. casualties might have been avoided were it not for Bush & Co.'s rush to war."

Deal or No Deal?

Lolita C. Baldor reports from Washington for the Associated Press: "The Bush administration is conceding for the first time that the United States may not finish a complex security agreement with Iraq before President Bush leaves office.

"Faced with stiff Iraqi opposition, it is 'very possible' the U.S. may have to extend an existing U.N. mandate, said a senior administration official close to the talks. That would mean major decisions about how U.S. forces operate in Iraq could be left to the next president, including how much authority the U.S. must give Iraqis over military operations and how quickly the handover takes place. . . .

"The Bush administration is seeking an agreement with Baghdad that would provide for a normal, permanent U.S. military and diplomatic presence in Iraq. The word 'permanent' has been a flashpoint for many who oppose the war, both in the U.S. and Iraq."

And here's an administration attempt at giving the word "permanent" a whole new non-meaning.

Baldor's official repeated the administration position "that the agreement will not call for permanent U.S. bases on Iraqi soil.

"Instead, the proposed agreement would allow U.S. troops or personnel to operate out of U.S., Iraqi or joint facilities through either short or long-term contracts, said the official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because the negotiations are not public.

"'The idea that the U.S. will have a normal, diplomatic and military presence, and need access to facilities -- not necessarily our facilities, but need facilities -- is permanent,' said the official, who is close to the ongoing talks.

"Those facilities, the official said, could belong to the Iraqis, and the U.S. would simply be using them on a renewable basis. Or they could be existing U.S. facilities that over time would be taken over by the Iraqis."

Meanwhile, however, Baldor's Associated Press colleague Bushra Juhi reports from Baghdad: "The U.S. State Department's top Iraq adviser said Tuesday he believes an agreement to establish a long-term security relationship between Iraq and the United States will be completed by the end of July.

"'We're confident it can be achieved, and by the end of July deadline,' David Satterfield told reporters in Baghdad's U.S.-guarded Green Zone."

Leila Fadel writes for McClatchy Newspapers: "Iraqi lawmakers say the United States is demanding 58 bases as part of a proposed 'status of forces' agreement that will allow U.S. troops to remain in the country indefinitely.

"Leading members of the two ruling Shiite parties said in a series of interviews the Iraqi government rejected this proposal along with another U.S. demand that would have effectively handed over to the United States the power to determine if a hostile act from another country is aggression against Iraq. Lawmakers said they fear this power would drag Iraq into a war between the United States and Iran.

"'The points that were put forth by the Americans were more abominable than the occupation,' said Jalal al Din al Saghir, a leading lawmaker from the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq. 'We were occupied by order of the Security Council,' he said, referring to the 2004 Resolution mandating a U.S. military occupation in Iraq at the head of an international coalition. 'But now we are being asked to sign for our own occupation. That is why we have absolutely refused all that we have seen so far.'

"Other conditions sought by the United States include control over Iraqi air space up to 30,000 feet and immunity from prosecution for U.S. troops and private military contractors. The agreement would run indefinitely but be subject to cancellation with two years notice from either side, lawmakers said."

And Ashraf Khalil writes for the Los Angeles Times: "Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri Maliki concluded a three-day visit to Iran after meeting Monday with Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who warned that the continued presence of U.S. troops was 'the main obstacle on the way to progress and prosperity in Iraq.'"

Bush in Europe

Dan Eggen writes for The Washington Post: "President Bush and European Union leaders threatened Iran on Tuesday with new financial sanctions unless the country curbs its nuclear ambitions and opens facilities to international inspection.

"Following a two-hour meeting that touched on Iran and a host of issues including climate change and trade, Bush and his European counterparts indicated they were prepared to go beyond current United Nations sanctions to try to ensure Iran does not develop a nuclear weapon. . . .

"'Now is the time for there to be strong diplomacy,' Bush said after the meeting, appearing with Slovenian Prime Minister Janez Jansa and European Commission President José Manuel Barroso.

"'They can either face isolation, or they can have better relations with all of us,' Bush said. 'We'll find new sanctions if need be.'"

In this morning's Post, Eggen wrote from Slovenia about how "Bush opened a farewell tour of Europe on Monday night in this tiny, picturesque nation, which is basking in its status as the current head of the European Union and the most successful state to emerge from the violent breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s."

A Strong Dollar?

Gerard Baker and Tom Baldwin writes in the Times of London: "President Bush issued a call for a rise in the value of the US dollar on currency markets yesterday in a signal of mounting official alarm in Washington about the effect of the slumping greenback on the world's largest economy.

"In an exclusive interview with The Times on the eve of the United States-European Union summit in Slovenia, Mr Bush expressed concern about the dollar's continuing weakness and said that he favoured an appreciation in the US exchange rate.

"'We want the dollar to strengthen,' he said on Air Force One as it crossed the Atlantic bound for the summit."

But Deb Riechmann writes for the Associated Press that in his press availability today, Bush "essentially rejected the idea of possible government intervention to prop up the value of the U.S. dollar. He said he believed in a strong-dollar policy, but that world economies will end up setting the value of the dollar."

Sheryl Gay Stolberg and Steven R. Weisman write in the New York Times that in commenting on the dollar, "Mr. Bush may have had political considerations in mind, both domestic and foreign.

"The last time Mr. Bush went to Europe, in April, some Republicans faulted him for looking out of touch on the economy. This week's trip, with glamorous cities like Berlin, Rome, London and Paris on the itinerary, is already being characterized by his critics as a summer vacation while gasoline rises above $4 a gallon and Americans feel the pinch at grocery stores."

Housing Watch

Bush has often cited rising minority home ownership as a milestone achievement under his "ownership society" programs.

Carol D. Leonnig writes in The Washington Post: "In 2004, as regulators warned that subprime lenders were saddling borrowers with mortgages they could not afford, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development helped fuel more of that risky lending.

"Eager to put more low-income and minority families into their own homes, the agency required that two government-chartered mortgage finance firms purchase far more 'affordable' loans made to these borrowers. HUD stuck with an outdated policy that allowed Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae to count billions of dollars they invested in subprime loans as a public good that would foster affordable housing.

"Housing experts and some congressional leaders now view those decisions as mistakes that contributed to an escalation of subprime lending that is roiling the U.S. economy.

"The agency neglected to examine whether borrowers could make the payments on the loans that Freddie and Fannie classified as affordable. . . .

"'For HUD to be indifferent as to whether these loans were hurting people or helping them is really an abject failure to regulate,' said Michael Barr, a University of Michigan law professor who is advising Congress. 'It was just irresponsible.'"

Immigration Watch

Nicole Gaouette writes in the Los Angeles Times: "The Bush administration, in an aggressive new effort to keep illegal immigrants out of the workforce, on Monday ordered all companies doing business with the federal government to begin ensuring their employees can legally work in the U.S."

Julia Preston writes in the New York Times: "An executive order, signed by the president on Friday and announced on Monday. . . . expands the E-Verify program, which has been the target of criticism and lawsuits by employers' groups and advocates for immigrants who say the Social Security database it draws upon to check workers' status is riddled with errors that could lead to legal workers' being fired or rejected for employment."

Justice Watch

Brian Ross, Anna Schecter and Murray Waas report for ABC News that current and former employees of the Justice Department's Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention allege that political appointees who issued grants "ignored the staff rankings in favor of programs that had political, social or religious connections to the Bush White House."

Impeachment (Non) Watch

The Associated Press reports: "Rep. Dennis Kucinich, a former Democratic presidential contender, said Monday he wants the House to consider a resolution to impeach President Bush.

"Speaker Nancy Pelosi consistently has said impeachment was 'off the table.'

"Kucinich, D-Ohio, read his proposed impeachment language in a floor speech. He contended Bush deceived the nation and violated his oath of office in leading the country into the Iraq war.

"Kucinich introduced a resolution last year to impeach Vice President Dick Cheney."

Thinkprogress.org has the video.

Twilight Watch

Over at NiemanWatchdog.org, where I am deputy editor, we're out with part two of my series on what top administration officials might be doing to make it difficult for their successors to roll back their policies. Today's focus is on the ways a president can entrench people and policies within the executive branch bureaucracy.

History Watch

The Associated Press reports: "First lady Laura Bush acknowledged President Bush's unpopularity, but said Monday that history will vindicate her husband's two-term presidency.

"In an interview on ABC's 'Good Morning America,' Mrs. Bush noted the ousting of the Taliban in Afghanistan and Saddam Hussein in Iraq.

"'I know he may not be that popular right now, but we've liberated two countries -- 50 million people have been liberated from very brutal regimes -- and I think that's really important,' she said.

"She said the president has stood on the side of emerging democracies in central Europe.

"'He's going to have a really unbelievably great legacy, with the advantage of hindsight,' she said."

Late Night Humor

Jon Stewart marvels at how little coverage the Senate Intelligence Committee report got last week.

Cartoon Watch

John Cole and David Horsey on the verdict of history; Rex Babin on mission accomplished; RJ Matson on the Senate Intelligence report.


March 01, 2008

Dan Froomkin on WH Contempt/US Congress

Dan Froomkin: Hi everyone and welcome! I know there's a presidential campaign going on, but pay attention. There's still a lot of important stuff going on in this White House.

Today's column (hopefully coming very soon) starts off with my thoughts about yesterday's congressional hearing into the missing White House e-mails. My conclusion: The Bush White House has made a mockery of the Presidential Records Act. I've also recently written about FISA, Bush the Space Cowboy, the Secret Rove and -- for those of you who just can't get enough campaign news -- about Bush's apparently cluelessness about what a drag he'll be on the Republican ticket.

*snip*

Berkeley, Calif.: What is the attorney general's justification for keeping secret any opinion written by the office of legal counsel? Do any credible legal scholars agree with him? The concept of a secret law seems very un-American to me.

Dan Froomkin: Bingo. Who really can defend secret law -- other than a few addled Cheneyites? It's just not American.

The House Strikes Back

Contempt

Paul Kane writes in The Washington Post: "The House yesterday escalated a constitutional showdown with President Bush, approving the first-ever contempt of Congress citations against West Wing aides and reigniting last year's battle over the scope of executive privilege.

"On a 223 to 32 vote, the House approved contempt citations against White House Chief of Staff Joshua B. Bolten and former White House counsel Harriet E. Miers over their refusal to cooperate with an investigation into the mass firings of U.S. attorneys and allegations that administration officials sought to politicize the Justice Department.

"The vote came after a morning of tense partisan bickering over parliamentary rules, including a GOP call for a vote on a motion to close the chamber that briefly forced lawmakers to leave a memorial service for Rep. Tom Lantos (D-Calif.), who died this week. The conflict was capped later in the day when most House Republicans walked off the floor and refused to cast a final vote. They accused Democrats of forcing a partisan vote on the contempt citations instead of approving a surveillance bill supported by Bush.

"Democrats said they were left with no choice but to engage in a legal showdown with Bush because he has refused for nearly a year to allow any current or former West Wing staff member to testify in the inquiry. Citing executive privilege, the president has offered their testimony on the condition that it is taken without transcripts and not under oath."

Richard B. Schmitt writes in the Los Angeles Times: "Democrats accused Republicans of pulling a political stunt. They said the contempt question was hardly a partisan issue because it concerned the system of checks and balances under the Constitution. Choosing not to enforce the subpoenas would be giving 'tacit consent to the dangerous idea of an imperial presidency, above the law,' said House Majority Leader Steny H. Hoyer (D-Md.) . . .

"Under the law, contempt of Congress charges are investigated by the U.S. attorney for the District of Columbia. But the Justice Department has taken the position in previous cases that it will not allow a U.S. attorney to conduct such an investigation if the department has determined that executive privilege was well-founded."

But: "

Under the resolution, even if the Justice Department declines to investigate, the House can file its own civil lawsuit against Miers and Bolten. Such a suit would be filed in federal court in Washington by the general counsel of the House. It could come at any time and would not depend on the approval of the Justice Department."

Here's the angry response from Perino:

"Today, the United States House of Representatives did something that had never been done in the entire 150-year history of the contempt of Congress statute: it voted to hold in contempt two top White House officials who had been directed by the President not to comply with House Judiciary Committee subpoenas on the basis of the President's assertion of Executive Privilege. The officials in question are the Chief of Staff to the President and the former Counsel to the President, two of the very closest advisers upon whom a President must rely. This action is unprecedented, and it is outrageous. It is also an incredible waste of time -- time the House should spend doing the American people's legislative business. . . .

"This is as a blatant sop to the far left and shameful behavior by House Democrats."

February 17, 2008

Dan Froomkin's list of web sties for journlists

Web sites for journalists

SHOWCASE | July 01, 2004

Here are some outstanding sites that help journalists do better work.

Profiles of select journalism Web sites can be found below.

Journalism Web sites

Romenesko and Pressthink

Two journalism blogs -- Jim Romenesko's Romenesko and Jay Rosen's Pressthink have become essential daily stops on the World Wide Web for anyone interested in the current state of the industry – and its future.

Romenesko ceaselessly updates his site with the latest media-related stories, tidbits and gossip from publications across the Internet. And increasingly, he's linking to himself, because his letters page is one of the liveliest, smartest and best-informed forums around. Plus he Web-publishes internal memos. He's got great sources; they're also his readers.

Rosen is the chair of the journalism school at NYU, and where Romenesko's posts are pithy summaries of hot items, Rosen's are long, thoughtful musings on Big Ideas. And they're the big ideas everyone else will be talking about, too, before long. A fundamentally old-fashioned journalist who is fascinated by the new technology, Rosen writes in his blog's mission statement:

"The people who will invent the next press in America -- and who are doing it now online -- continue an experiment at least 250 years old. It has a powerful social history and political legend attached."

Rosen writes copiously about blogging, but also looks at general-interest topics such as the issue of media bias, news judgment and the relationship between the White House and the press.

IRE Web site

Looking for examples of fine investigative reporting? Look no further than Extra! Extra!, the blog of the Investigative Reporters & Editors Web site.

Derek Willis and the IRE staff update the site daily with links to and descriptions of the latest and greatest investigative works. You can also sort by topic, such as housing or justice.

The main IRE Web site also offers a wide variety of resources for journalists, including some compiled for recent breaking news stories.

Journalism.org (Project for Excellence in Journalism)

Journalism.org is the Web site of the Project for Excellence in Journalism, a research organization that specializes in using empirical methods to evaluate and study the performance of the press. It is non partisan, non ideological and non political.

Committee of Concerned Journalists

The Committee of Concerned Journalists (CCJ) is a consortium of reporters, editors, producers, publishers, owners and academics concerned about the future of journalism. Affiliated with the University of Missouri School of Journalism, it conducts traveling workshops and offers a catalog of tools, techniques and ideas, research, and many other resources. From 1997 until 2006, CCJ was affiliated with and administered by the Project for Excellence in Journalism.

Center for Public Integrity

A nonprofit, nonpartisan group, the Center for Public Integrity conducts investigative research and reporting on public policy issues in the United States and around the world.

Come here for The Buying of the President 2004, continuing coverage of who's bankrolling who -- and what they expect in return.

Use their Media Tracker to find out who controls the media where you live.

See their Global Integrity Report, a comprehensive assessment of the precise extent of openness, accountability and governance in 25 countries that hold elections. It uses a Public Integrity Index to measure the extent of citizens' ability to ensure their government is open and accountable.


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