Showing posts with label Jack Abramoff. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Jack Abramoff. Show all posts

September 04, 2008

Abramoff Requests Leniency in Sentencing for Corruption

Published: September 3, 2008

WASHINGTON — Jack Abramoff, the once high-flying lobbyist who pleaded guilty to a scheme to corrupt Congress, asked a federal judge for mercy on Wednesday, saying he was “not a bad man” although he acknowledged he “did many bad things.”

In a letter sent to Judge Ellen S. Huvelle, the day before she was to sentence him in a Washington courtroom, Mr. Abramoff wrote: “So much that happens in Washington stretches the envelope, skirts the spirit of the law and lives in the loopholes. But even by those standards, I blundered farther than even those excesses would allow.”

He said he had contemplated his behavior during the nearly two years he had already served in prison for an unrelated case involving fraud connected to cruise ships in Florida.

Prosecutors have already asked Judge Huvelle to pare years off the jail term recommended in federal sentencing guidelines, citing Mr. Abramoff’s cooperation in wide-ranging investigations that have resulted in the convictions of one congressman, several Congressional aides and some executive branch officials.

Although he could face up to 11 years in the Congressional corruption case, prosecutors have recommended a sentence of about half that.

The sentencing on Thursday is expected to include public statements from some leaders of American Indian tribes that were defrauded by Mr. Abramoff, in his role as their lobbyist before Congress.

By

Jack Abramoff, once a top Republican lobbyist on K Street, is asking a federal judge to show mercy when she sentences him Thursday in an epic corruption case that continues to rock Capitol Hill and the GOP establishment.

Abramoff, who is already serving a 70-month sentence stemming from his fraudulent purchase of a Florida casino-cruise ship company, will go before District Judge Ellen S. Huvelle to be sentenced in a scandal that resulted in a prison term for one former member of Congress, a dozen other guilty pleas by former Republican aides and officials, and new ethics legislation enacted at the start of the 110th Congress.

Abramoff and a former business associate, Michael Scanlon, have pleaded guilty to bilking Indian tribes out of tens of millions of dollars in lobbying fees while secretly supplying gifts, including meals, drinks and overseas junkets, to dozens of members and staffers. The Abramoff scandal helped end the political careers of former House Majority Leader Tom DeLay (R-Texas) and former Sen. Conrad Burns (R-Mont.), and it led to a prison term for former Rep. Bob Ney (R-Ohio).

In an e-mail letter to Huvelle that was released on Wednesday, Abramoff told the judge that he was "not a bad man (although to read all the news articles one would think I was Osama Bin Laden), but I did many bad things. I lied to clients, even while working to get them the results they expected. I cheated my law firm and took advantage of public officials. And, while I gave millions of dollars to charities, I thought I could then skirt the rules in paying the right amount of money to the government in taxes."

Under federal sentencing guidelines, Abramoff could receive at least 108 months in prison, but prosecutors, citing the cooperation he has given them in cases involving Ney, former Interior Deputy Secretary J. Steven Griles and other GOP lobbyists and aides, have agreed to ask Huvelle for a 64-month sentence.

Abramoff's attorneys are seeking an even shorter sentence, one that could lead to his release in 2010. Abramoff, who is serving his time in a federal prison in Pennsylvania, is currently scheduled to be released on Dec. 11, 2011 – and that’s without any time added for the Washington case.

In his letter, Abramoff accepts responsibility for his criminal actions. The one-time Republican power player admits that he caused serious damage to his family, friends and colleagues.

"As I have sat alone in prison, realizing what my actions have done to permanently injure people, especially my family, I see that my crimes all had the same cause — my short-sighted and selfish view that ends could justify the means," Abramoff wrote.

"I don't know if I can explain to you the experience of looking backwards and realizing how much you have strayed from an expectation you had for yourself, what your parents wanted you to be, an ideal you set, or a goal you thought was one of life's definitions. That is what I have been thinking about, and those are the realities with which I have been living and will have to live with for the rest of my life."

Abramoff's lawyers have filed testimonials from numerous Abramoff friends and colleagues in a bid to show Huvelle that he was not the evil figure portrayed by Democrats and the media. In his own message to the judge, Abramoff references the fact that he had done good deeds as well as bad. He also apologizes to those who suffered from his criminal acts.

"The good I tried to do and that which I did accomplish cannot make up for the bad," Abramoff wrote. "I just ask that you consider my whole life in seeing that I have a lot to give in the future that might merit your consideration and leniency."

Abramoff added: "You have my life and the life of my family in your hands. I have done very wrong; I have been doing all I can to redeem myself."

UM, HMMM.

White collar crime !! Say, let's not be so lenient anymore. You can smoke a joint in the wrong area, and get 15 years !! Or you can just be panhandling and get a year in jail !!! YET these Republican idiots can get a few months for impoverishing hordes of people just cuz Ka ka ka karl Rove thinks it's a good idea ? I don't think so.




July 23, 2008

Rove End-Runs House Democrats

Former White House political adviser Karl Rove, who has refused to appear before the House Judiciary Committee, ran an end-around against Democratic leaders by having his denial of sponsoring a political prosecution inserted into the Congressional Record by a senior Republican.

Rep. Lamar Smith of Texas, the committee’s ranking Republican, submitted a written question-and-answer exchange with Rove in which the political strategist said he played no role in the controversial prosecution of Alabama’s former Democratic Gov. Don Siegelman.

The surprise move angered the panel’s Democratic leaders who have been discussing whether to hold Rove in contempt for refusing to comply with a congressional subpoena that demanded that he testify under oath at a hearing two weeks ago.

The Judiciary Committee has been seeking Rove’s public testimony about the Siegelman case since April as part of its investigation into allegations that the Bush administration used the Justice Department to prosecute more Democratic public officials than Republicans.

Rep. John Conyers, the Judiciary Committee’s chairman, had rebuffed a compromise floated by Rove’s attorney, Robert Luskin, to have Rove testify in private or respond in writing to the committee’s inquiries about the Siegelman case, as well as the firing of nine U.S. Attorneys.

Luskin then turned to Smith, who posed some questions to Rove and inserted the Q-and-A into the Congressional Record.

In his written responses, Rove denied speaking to anyone “either directly or indirectly” at the Justice Department or to Alabama state officials about bringing corruption charges against Siegelman.

”I have never communicated, either directly or indirectly, with Justice Department or Alabama officials about the investigation, indictment, potential prosecution, prosecution, conviction, or sentencing of Governor Siegelman, or about any other matter related to his case, nor have I asked any other individual to communicate about these matters on my behalf,” Rove wrote. “I have never attempted, either directly or indirectly, to influence these matters.”

Instead, Rove said the Judiciary Committee should press Siegelman to justify his allegations about Rove’s interference in the case.

"The committee should require Siegelman to substantiate his allegations about my 'involvement' in his prosecution – something he has failed to do in either media interviews or court filings," Rove wrote.

Siegelman was convicted of corruption in 2006, but was released from prison on bond in March after an appeals court ruled that “substantial questions” about the case could very well result in either a new trial or a dismissal.

Siegelman has long maintained that Rove was intimately involved in the prosecution and other attempts to blunt Democratic inroads that Siegelman’s governorship represented.

In an interview with The Anniston Star on May 18, Siegelman said Rove first targeted him in 1998.

“It started when Karl Rove's bag man, I call him, Jack Abramoff, started putting Indian casino money into Alabama to defeat me in 1998,” Siegelman told the newspaper. “Shortly after I endorsed Al Gore in 1999, Karl Rove's client, the attorney general of Alabama (Bill Pryor) started an investigation.

“In 2001, Karl Rove's business associate and political partner's wife, Leura Canary, became a U.S. Attorney and started a federal investigation. … It started with the attorney general and the state investigation, followed by the federal investigation, followed by indictments in 2004, and then another series of indictments leading up to the 2006 election … but, yeah, it's all part of the same case.”

When Rove failed to appear at a Judiciary subcommittee hearing on July 10, Rep. Linda Sanchez, D-California, the panel’s chairwoman, said the assertion of executive privilege did not justify Rove’s failure to appear.

“The proper course of action is for Mr. Rove to attend the hearing pursuant to subpoena, at which time any specific assertions of privilege can be considered on a question-by-question basis,” Sanchez said, speaking to an empty chair that was reserved for Rove.

Smith criticized Sanchez and defended Rove, saying his refusal to appear before the committee ''is not a sign of an administration refusing to cooperate with Congress.''

Aides to Conyers said Wednesday the committee intends to vote to hold Rove in contempt for refusing to respond to a subpoena seeking his testimony.

That will likely set the stage for another court battle revolving around executive privilege. Already, White House chief of staff Josh Bolton and former White House counsel Harriet Miers have ignored congressional subpoenas to testify about the U.S. Attorney firings.

Last month, during a hearing on the case in U.S. District Court in Washington, D.C., Judge John Bates said Congress could have had Bolton and Miers arrested for refusing to comply with the subpoenas.

While historically Congress has ordered people detained for refusing to comply with subpoenas, the power has not been used in modern times.

Jason Leopold has launched a new Web site, The Public Record, at www.pubrecord.org

June 12, 2008

WAR CRIMES DOSSIER: Arguments for Nancy Pelosi's removal, Part IIi

Federalist 69: Hamilton Foresaw Bush's Rebellion, Pelosi's Complicity

You are encouraged to closely study Federalist 69 on issues of impeachment, Presidential pardons, and independent House power to strip the President of any hope of a pardon.

Here is one view. Let's assume for the sake of argument you do not agree with the above interpretation of Article I S 3; and Article II Section 2. There is language which suggests what the Framers intended: Hamilton's Federalist 69.

Keep the following in mind as you read this, the alleged treason of permitting spies in Guantanamo, but blocking the FBI from reviewing that activity.

These issues are ones for the House to debate, not for the Speaker or President to assert.

Let's review Hamilton's comments no pardon in Federalist 69.

Note there is no mention of "judgment," merely Hamilton mentions "all cases", without mentioning a conviction.

Hamilton: "Thirdly. The power of the President, in respect to pardons, would extend to all cases, EXCEPT THOSE OF IMPEACHMENT."

Arguably, once the President is charged by the House with any crime -- those charges brought in criminal court outside impeachment -- are immune to pardon.

Note the mention of "political" consequence. Here Hamilton repeats the "all cases", does not use the word "judgment":

Notice also, Hamilton is saying something important here: The pardon is linked with a criminal trial and an impeachment. The governor of NY can pardon in (a) all criminal cases; and (b) cases of impeachment. The criminal case is separate than the impeachment case.

Hamilton: "The governor of New York may pardon in all cases, even in those of impeachment, except for treason and murder. Is not the power of the governor, in this article, on a calculation of political consequences, greater than that of the President?"

The Speaker has no power to screen the President on the eve of an investigation. The question is whether, after an investigation, the illegal treason is challenged. This means the all attempts can be pardoned; but where there is an actual offense, not just an attempt, that offense by the Executive cannot be pardoned.

But notice the issue: There are two things happening: A criminal trial, and an impeachment. The latter is while they are in office; the former is after leaving office. That is incorrect. A sitting President may be prosecuted by a prosecutor or impeached by the House.

Hamilton: "All conspiracies and plots against the government, which have not been matured into actual treason, may be screened from punishment of every kind, by the interposition of the prerogative of pardoning."

This means the President, who does not bring his efforts into an illegal end, should enjoy the option of enjoying a pardon. But the opposite means that once the President achieves the illegal outcome, the President should have known that the House -- with the impeachment -- would deny him of a pardon in any future criminal case.

This means the President tried after leaving office, cannot enjoy a pardon; to leave the pardon on the table would reward the President for hiding not just attempts but the illegal effects of his conspiracy. That President's activity cannot enjoy the gift of a pardon from another executive.

Propaganda Strategy: Shifting Attention From Actions of Executive To Legislature

Here, Hamilton says a State governor could shield people, until there was an overt act. The issue is not the action of the Senate or House; but the actions of the conspirators:

Hamilton: "If a governor of New York, therefore, should be at the head of any such conspiracy, until the design had been ripened into actual hostility he could insure his accomplices and adherents an entire impunity."

We look at the results, not the attempt: Was there illegal activity? If there was, and the House charges but the Senate refuses to convict, the President is not immune to a trial because of a promise of a pardon. Rather, once convicted in court, the House impeachment would thwart the President from enjoying a Constitutional pardon.

President Cannot Do What Hamilton Said A Governor Might Do

Hamilton says the President has less assurance than a governor he will be immune to sanctions. Hamilton says the President cannot be given the option to shield people, as a governor might. Note closely, he separates "impeachment" and "conviction". They are not the same:

Hamilton: "A President of the Union, on the other hand, though he may even pardon treason, when prosecuted in the ordinary course of law, could shelter no offender, in any degree, from the effects of impeachment and conviction."

"And" in our view means, impeachment is different from the trial phase: "Offenders cannot be shielded from the adverse consequences of both an impeachment by the House or a conviction by the Senate."

Once a criminal trial starts -- on those charges subject to the impeachment -- the President cannot pardon someone, and block a trial or conviction; or overturn that conviction. The effect of impeachment by the House is expressly one Hamilton says no defendant can be insulated.

Hamilton wanted to ensure the President -- who engages in war crimes -- could not be sure of any pardon. Hamilton reminds us that the President could not reasonably believe he would avoid consequences by simply avoiding a Senate Conviction. Rather, the threat of a House impeachment -- outside, unrelated to the Senate -- must discipline the President to not engage in that offensive conduct.

Today's problem is the President did not waiver in his rebellion, despite the threat of being denied a pardon. It is not a well grounded legal argument for the President to assert, "I thought I was above the law. I believed it." No, this President asserted he was above the law. He is not.

The House impeachment, not just the Senate trial, opens the door to a criminal prosecution of the President; and denies the President of any hope for a pardon.

Hamilton reminds us that a President, believing he only needs to carry 34 votes in the Senate and ignore the House, could engage in genocide and crimes against humanity. That is impermissible.

Hamilton: "Would not the prospect of a total indemnity for all the preliminary steps be a greater temptation to undertake and persevere in an enterprise against the public liberty, than the mere prospect of an exemption from death and confiscation, if the final execution of the design, upon an actual appeal to arms, should miscarry?"

Hamilton foresaw Pelosi might support the President, and thwart the House from investigating:

Hamilton: "Would this last expectation have any influence at all, when the probability was computed, that the person who was to afford that exemption might himself be involved in the consequences of the measure, and might be incapacitated by his agency in it from affording the desired impunity?"

Hamilton warned us in so many words: Those who are involved may have a vested interest in not acting, not confronting, and taking impeachment off the table.

Indeed, one issue is treason. The Question is whether the House will consider the possibility this Speaker and President have jointly committed treason in secret, and made excuses to induce the House not to assert its power:

Hamilton: "The better to judge of this matter, it will be necessary to recollect, that, by the proposed Constitution, the offense of treason is limited "to levying war upon the United States, and adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort''; and that by the laws of New York it is confined within similar bounds."

This does not mean that the charge of treason must be on the table before the Speaker is challenged, removed, or forced to start an investigation.

It does mean we need to have an investigation to find out what happened, and why Pelosi is spending this much time removing a legal option to deny the President a pardon. Until the investigation is complete, it is reasonable to remove Pelosi pending a House review under the House Ethics rule. If warranted, the evidence of her alleged rebellion and cooperation with the President may be presented to war crimes prosecutors or adjudicated before a United States Criminal court.

We the People need to know why the House, Pelosi, and the President appear quick to avoid facts. Hamilton suggested we be proceed with caution. Pelosi and the President are not sharing Hamilton's caution.

The prospect of an acquittal in the Senate incorrectly gave the President a green light to beleive he was above the law, would not be held to account, and could defy the Law. Hamilton intended for the threat of a House impeachment to dissuade this President. It appears Addington, the GOP, and Pelosi convinced themselves, each other, and this President -- as long as the DNC did not have enough votes to convict -- nothing could happen.

Hamilton's language in Federalist 69 must be openly discussed by the nation at large, the media, and on the House floor. The issue isn't what Hamilton meant; but what Addington, the President, and Pelosi construed the language to permit or prevent. What they did or would have us believe they believed has no relationship to what the Framers intended; or what the express language recognizes: An impeachment is not the same as a judgement.

The Framers intended for this risk to be a deterrent:

All the legal issues and cases -- subject to the House charges in an impeachment -- may never be pardoned by any future executive.

This crew ignored the foreseeable consequences -- a conviction, without prospect of a pardon -- and destroyed war crimes evidence; then induced the DNC to believe any House action would be bad for the DNC. No, the House action is bad for the President and his alleged war crimes co-conspirators.

A plain reading of Hamilton's words in Federalist 69 strongly suggests the reason the President blocked the FBI General Counsel Valerie E. Caproni from reviewing the DoJ OLC memoranda on torture was that it was evidence the President wanted to suppress from the FBI. The President cannot explain what happened to the FBI war crimes evidence at Guantanamo. Those files have disappeared. That is not a defense, but a subsequent offense warranting the House review, not an issue to sweep under the table.

Hamilton would reject any assertion that the President faces no consequences until the minority party has 67 votes in the Senate. Hamilton intended for the threat of a House impeachment alone to deter the President by denying the President of any hope of a pardon; and expose this President after a trial in the Senate to another trial, and have no hope for a pardon.

Denying a pardon does not mean the President is unfairly subjected to prosecution. He may be acquitted, but that is something Hamilton intended for this President to fight for in court, not coast along, smugly assuming nothing would happen.

Hamilton and the Framers intended for the President to be deterred, and have no hope of coasting through a trial, and avoiding consequences for attempting to shred the Constitution. The House has the power to strip this President of any hope for a pardon merely by doing what Hamilton intended: Removing the President from all assurances he might enjoy immunity for illegal activity. That prospect -- a foreseeable risk known to the President's private counsel -- is this President would have us believe he never imagined.

Non-sense. He knew what he was doing, what he was ignoring, and what the foreseeable consequences were. He ignored the law and the consequences. He views himself as above the law and reality: Hence, is reckless handling of Katrina, the failure to adjust in Iraq, and the inability to defeat people living in caves in Afghanistan.

Indeed, the threat of a war crimes trial and adjudication of war crimes failed to inspire this President to comply with the laws of war, but the opposite: He thwarted the FBI General Counsel from examining the legal arguments used to thwart Geneva restrictions against all POW abuse.

This President has a problem. So does the Speaker. So does the White House and DoJ and DoD staff counsel. This is connected to the DoD emails, the FISA violations, rendition, POW abuse, Abramoff, and McClellan's book. The same people, the same coordination, and the same excuses to pretend they had a belief; but distract attention from the known lack of evidence of an imminent threat. Their beliefs do not seem credible. They do not appear to have reasonably relied on any orders.

Their job as a defendant will be to prove -- despite Hamilton -- that they believed they were above the law, would face no consequences, and only the Senate was relevant. No, the only issue is the Supreme Law and the Geneva Conventions; and what they did. Whether the Senate does or does not convict is unrelated to what Hamilton intended the House to have: A large stick to wave before the Executive. Pelosi has no power to take that stick off the table.

We the People have a very large stick. It is the Constitution, and our inherent power to discuss what must be done to ensure this abuse -- despite Hamilton's assurances -- does not happen again. Pelosi cannot remove that debate from the public forum.


June 11, 2008

Dan Froomkin article from yesterday (see the comments !)

White House Fails Self-Examination

Special to washingtonpost.com
Tuesday, June 10, 2008; 1:14 PM

A glimpse of what "internal review" means to this White House supports the theory that top Bush aides have little interest in self-examination or public disclosure.

After a Sept. 2006 Congressional report based on records from convicted influence peddler Jack Abramoff's lobbying firm revealed 485 contacts between Abramoff and his associates and White House officials, then-press secretary Tony Snow promised White House lawyers would take a "good hard look" at the relationship with Abramoff. "We'll let you know what they found out," Snow said. "That's an important concern, and it's worth looking into."

Four days later, an assistant to political guru Karl Rove was jettisoned from the White House. Susan Ralston, who had worked for Abramoff before Rove, had accepted tickets to nine events from her old boss while providing him information and access.

And with that, White House spokeswoman Dana Perino announced: Our review of the House Government Reform Committee's report is complete. . . . We expect nothing more after our thorough review."

How thorough was that review? A new Abramoff report released by the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee yesterday -- this one based on documents and testimony from White House officials -- finds no evidence of any review at all.

"The Committee asked several former White House officials interviewed or deposed by the Committee whether the White House contacted them to inquire about their contacts with Mr. Abramoff. None of the White House officials who spoke with the Committee had any recollection of White House officials asking them about their contacts with Mr. Abramoff or his associates," the report states.

"[T]he White House never questioned five former White House officials who were key points of contact for the Abramoff team. For example, [Matt Schlapp, a former White House director of political affairs] who testified that Mr. Abramoff was a resource for him and was known and respected at the White House while he was serving there, did not recall any consultation from White House officials before they made public statements about Mr. Abramoff's minimal contacts with the White House." And so on.

"This evidence suggests that the White House failed to conduct even the most basic internal investigation of the White House relationship with Mr. Abramoff before making public statements characterizing the connection between Mr. Abramoff and the White House."

Pete Yost writes for the Associated Press: "In response, White House spokesman Tony Fratto noted the 'difficulty of conducting in-house investigations while there are other ongoing investigations outside the White House.' The Justice Department has been investigating the Abramoff scandal since 2004."

The Coverage

Marisa Taylor writes for McClatchy Newspapers: "Convicted superlobbyist Jack Abramoff influenced White House actions while his firm wooed administration officials over expensive meals and plied them with box tickets to sporting events, according to a House of Representatives committee report released Monday.

"The House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform said Monday that it had received new White House documents and testimony that confirmed 80 White House contacts with Abramoff and uncovered 70 others despite White House assertions that Abramoff had vastly overblown his administration connections. Abramoff, who's cooperating with federal prosecutors after pleading guilty in an expanding corruption investigation, previously reported that his former firm had more than 400 contacts with White House officials.

"The House report obtained photos of Abramoff meeting President Bush on six occasions, including political receptions. Bush has said he doesn't remember Abramoff, and the White House has refused to release the photos. The committee posted low-quality versions of them on its Web site Monday after receiving them from the White House."

James V. Grimaldi writes in The Washington Post: "Then-lobbyist Jack Abramoff influenced some White House decisions by lavishing exclusive sports tickets and meals on political staff members, but there is no evidence that President Bush was involved, a congressional panel said in a draft report yesterday. . . .

"Primary among successes by Abramoff's team, the report found, was persuading Bush officials to seek the removal of Alan Stayman from the State Department position overseeing the relationship with the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, a major client of Abramoff and his firm, Greenberg Traurig. . . .

"In the Stayman matter, an e-mail exchange showed the potential sensitivity in the White House. Public affairs director Matt Schlapp wrote, 'how do we fix this?' Monica Kladakis, a personnel deputy, replied, 'I think we can do something about it, but . . . I don't want a firing scandal on our hands.'

"Among those getting tickets was senior adviser Karl Rove, who paid Abramoff $150 for three tickets to the NCAA basketball tournament on March 17, 2002. Rove also had use of the suite at Verizon Center to treat his class of College Republicans to a Washington Capitals hockey game on Nov. 9, 2002. . . .

"White House spokesman Tony Fratto said the report 'confirms what has become clear in all of this -- Abramoff was spectacularly unsuccessful in influencing administration policy.'"

The authors of the report note that their investigation was "hindered in several ways that limit the scope of the Committee's conclusions.

"First, six individuals, including three former White House officials, whom the Committee sought to depose or interview refused in whole or in part to answer the Committee's questions on Fifth Amendment grounds. Second, the Committee did not take the depositions of several relevant lobbyists identified in the 2006 Committee staff report, including Mr. Abramoff himself, because the Department of Justice expressed concern that congressional depositions could undermine ongoing investigations. Third, the Justice Department asked to withhold documents from the Committee out of a similar concern. Fourth, several of the individuals deposed or interviewed by the Committee asserted that they were unable to recall the specifics of some of the matters under investigation, which occurred four to seven years ago."

And then there's this: "It is possible the investigation was also made more difficult by the fact that some White House officials may have used e-mail accounts maintained by the Republican National Committee to discuss Abramoff matters among themselves. The RNC informed the Committee that it has retained few or no e-mails for these officials for the relevant time period."

Karl Rove Was Fired

Karl Rove's official explanation for why he decided to leave the White House last August was "I just think it's time."

But according to a new Rove biography by Paul Alexander, it wasn't a time of his choosing. In "Machiavelli's Shadow: The Rise and Fall of Karl Rove," Alexander writes that Rove was fired.

"On a Sunday in midsummer, George W. Bush accompanied Karl Rove to the Episcopalian Church Rove sometimes attended. Though he did not consider himself a believer, Rove still went to church on occasion, at least for appearance's sake. On the other hand, Bush enjoyed attending church and had since he had joined the Methodist Church years before at his wife's urging. So, on this Sunday, Rove thought he was doing what he often did: spending time with the man for whom he had worked, almost exclusively, for nearly a decade and a half. The two men entered the church along with their wives. They made their way to the front of the congregation. Then, during their time in the church, Bush gave Rove some stunning news.

"'Karl,' Bush said, 'there's too much heat on you. It's time for you to go.'"

In the calm solitude of the church, these were no doubt the last words Rove expected to hear. But Bush had said them. They were now a reality. As anyone who serves at the pleasure of the president knows, Rove had to do as he was told."

"'Yes, sir, Mr. President. I understand.'"

"He did, too. After that Sunday, what Rove had to do was in-vent a story he could tell the world-literally the world, since news of his departure from the White House would be splashed on the front pages of newspapers around the globe-that would claim he was leaving of his own accord when in fact he was not."

Alexander attributes that scene to "a source close to a key adviser to the president." He also quotes "one of Bush's counselors" in a conversation with "a political consultant" about Bush's rationale: "'There were four main reasons,' the counselor said. First, problems might still arise in Texas as a result of information Jack Abramoff may not have yet given regarding the DeLay investigation. Second, government documents had been altered by Rove's former assistant Susan Ralston when she had changed Rove's calendar, at his instruction, to cover up meetings he had had with Abramoff. Third, potential violations of the Hatch Act had occurred when Rove's PowerPoint presentation was used in lecturing government workers about how to help Republicans get elected. Fourth, the Senate Judiciary Committee had the e-mails that proved Rove was involved in the US attorney scandal. With all of this, Bush had no choice but to let Rove go."

Torture Watch

The American Civil Liberties Union is calling on Congress to focus on the National Security Council role in setting the nation's torture policies.

The ACLU explains: "The recent Justice Department Inspector General report on the FBI's role in interrogations helps substantiate that the NSC was the decision-maker on interrogations. The IG reports that there were 'regular (sometimes weekly)' meetings on detainee issues by the NSC Policy Coordinating Committee (that included top attorneys from the relevant agencies), and that unresolved issues were bumped up first to the NSC Deputies Committee (made up of the number two officials at departments such as Justice, Defense, State, and the CIA), and then to the NSC Principals Committee (chaired by Rice and including Cheney, the Attorney General, the director of the CIA, and secretaries of Defense and State). Although the IG's focus was on the FBI, he describes various efforts by Justice Department and FBI officials to raise concerns about the interrogations, and many of those expressions of concern went to NSC officials or to NSC committees."

The group's senior legislative counsel Christopher Anders said in statement: "The Inspector General's references to the National Security Council provide a small window into what has been a completely hidden and ignored piece of the torture puzzle -- but perhaps the most important piece of all. It is now the job of Congress to crack that window open more, and shed some light on what was going on in the basement of the White House. The central locus of decisions on torture may very well have been the National Security Council under Condoleezza Rice's leadership, but the NSC and Rice have made it through four years since Abu Ghraib with almost no oversight or attention. It is time for the NSC and Rice to be held accountable for any torture authorized under her watch."

NPR's Bob Garfield over the weekend asked former White House spokesman turned author Scott McClellan to account for his mouthing of torture talking points. Garfield played an example from June 2004, when McClellan has this to say about Bush: "He does not condone torture and he has never authorized the use of torture. The President has made that very clear in the past, and he continues to hold that view, because we are a nation of - certain laws and certain values, and torture is not consistent with our values and with our laws."

McClellan told Garfield: "On the waterboarding issue, I now look back on that, and I didn't know the specifics about that. I wasn't briefed into that from a classification standpoint. But I was told by others in the administration that it's not torture, and I did go out and defend that.

"And some actually in the administration view it that way. They view what they were telling me as the truth. I don't see how stepping back from it and knowing what we know now about that, that you can view it as anything but torture."

McClellan To Testify

Michael Abramowitz writes in The Washington Post: "Former White House press secretary Scott McClellan has agreed to testify next week before the House Judiciary Committee about his assertions that top Bush administration officials misled him about their role in the leak of the identity of CIA operative Valerie Plame Wilson.

"In his new book, 'What Happened,' McClellan writes that then-White House political adviser Karl Rove and then-vice presidential chief of staff I. Lewis 'Scooter' Libby deceived him about their involvement in the leak -- prompting him to pass on inaccurate information to reporters.

"The disclosure drew the attention of Judiciary Committee Chairman John Conyers Jr. (D-Mich.). He has expressed particular interest in McClellan's assertion that he had been directed by then-White House Chief of Staff Andrew H. Card Jr. to vouch for Libby's lack of involvement, as he had for Rove."

McClellan was on MSNBC's Countdown last night, where he told Keith Olbermann: "I'll tell them what I know. I am not going to get into things that I don't know about."

Senate Intel Report Watch

Olbermann also asked McClellan for his reaction to the Senate Intelligence Committee report released last week. As I wrote in Friday's column, the long-awaited report found that the administration's most compelling charges in the run-up to war -- for instance, that Saddam Hussein was about to supply al-Qaeda with nuclear weapons -- were simply made up.

McClellan: "What I do know is that the White House never wanted to have the way the case was made, the way the intelligence was used to sell the war to the American people looked into or investigated by Congress. This was delayed for quite some time. And finally Chairman Rockefeller, Senator Rockefeller, pushed this forward to get to the truth. And the White House can continue to bury their heads in the sand, but the reality is still the same. I think the American people see it for exactly what it is."

The Philadelphia Inquirer editorial board writes: "President Bush awarded the Medal of Honor last week to Army Pfc. Ross McGinnis, a Pennsylvania native who died in Iraq after throwing himself on a grenade, saving the lives of four other soldiers.

"Three days later, the Senate released a report that concluded that Bush and his aides repeatedly overstated the threat posed by Iraq in the run-up to the war.

"McGinnis' valor is without question. The 19-year-old from Knox, Pa., gave his life not only to his country but especially to the fellow soldiers he saved in Baghdad in December 2006. Presenting the Medal of Honor to McGinnis' parents was 'a high privilege,' said Bush. His sentiments are echoed by many Americans.

"But the timing of the award and the Senate intelligence committee report serves as a stark reminder that the deaths of McGinnis and more than 4,000 U.S. casualties might have been avoided were it not for Bush & Co.'s rush to war."

Deal or No Deal?

Lolita C. Baldor reports from Washington for the Associated Press: "The Bush administration is conceding for the first time that the United States may not finish a complex security agreement with Iraq before President Bush leaves office.

"Faced with stiff Iraqi opposition, it is 'very possible' the U.S. may have to extend an existing U.N. mandate, said a senior administration official close to the talks. That would mean major decisions about how U.S. forces operate in Iraq could be left to the next president, including how much authority the U.S. must give Iraqis over military operations and how quickly the handover takes place. . . .

"The Bush administration is seeking an agreement with Baghdad that would provide for a normal, permanent U.S. military and diplomatic presence in Iraq. The word 'permanent' has been a flashpoint for many who oppose the war, both in the U.S. and Iraq."

And here's an administration attempt at giving the word "permanent" a whole new non-meaning.

Baldor's official repeated the administration position "that the agreement will not call for permanent U.S. bases on Iraqi soil.

"Instead, the proposed agreement would allow U.S. troops or personnel to operate out of U.S., Iraqi or joint facilities through either short or long-term contracts, said the official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because the negotiations are not public.

"'The idea that the U.S. will have a normal, diplomatic and military presence, and need access to facilities -- not necessarily our facilities, but need facilities -- is permanent,' said the official, who is close to the ongoing talks.

"Those facilities, the official said, could belong to the Iraqis, and the U.S. would simply be using them on a renewable basis. Or they could be existing U.S. facilities that over time would be taken over by the Iraqis."

Meanwhile, however, Baldor's Associated Press colleague Bushra Juhi reports from Baghdad: "The U.S. State Department's top Iraq adviser said Tuesday he believes an agreement to establish a long-term security relationship between Iraq and the United States will be completed by the end of July.

"'We're confident it can be achieved, and by the end of July deadline,' David Satterfield told reporters in Baghdad's U.S.-guarded Green Zone."

Leila Fadel writes for McClatchy Newspapers: "Iraqi lawmakers say the United States is demanding 58 bases as part of a proposed 'status of forces' agreement that will allow U.S. troops to remain in the country indefinitely.

"Leading members of the two ruling Shiite parties said in a series of interviews the Iraqi government rejected this proposal along with another U.S. demand that would have effectively handed over to the United States the power to determine if a hostile act from another country is aggression against Iraq. Lawmakers said they fear this power would drag Iraq into a war between the United States and Iran.

"'The points that were put forth by the Americans were more abominable than the occupation,' said Jalal al Din al Saghir, a leading lawmaker from the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq. 'We were occupied by order of the Security Council,' he said, referring to the 2004 Resolution mandating a U.S. military occupation in Iraq at the head of an international coalition. 'But now we are being asked to sign for our own occupation. That is why we have absolutely refused all that we have seen so far.'

"Other conditions sought by the United States include control over Iraqi air space up to 30,000 feet and immunity from prosecution for U.S. troops and private military contractors. The agreement would run indefinitely but be subject to cancellation with two years notice from either side, lawmakers said."

And Ashraf Khalil writes for the Los Angeles Times: "Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri Maliki concluded a three-day visit to Iran after meeting Monday with Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who warned that the continued presence of U.S. troops was 'the main obstacle on the way to progress and prosperity in Iraq.'"

Bush in Europe

Dan Eggen writes for The Washington Post: "President Bush and European Union leaders threatened Iran on Tuesday with new financial sanctions unless the country curbs its nuclear ambitions and opens facilities to international inspection.

"Following a two-hour meeting that touched on Iran and a host of issues including climate change and trade, Bush and his European counterparts indicated they were prepared to go beyond current United Nations sanctions to try to ensure Iran does not develop a nuclear weapon. . . .

"'Now is the time for there to be strong diplomacy,' Bush said after the meeting, appearing with Slovenian Prime Minister Janez Jansa and European Commission President José Manuel Barroso.

"'They can either face isolation, or they can have better relations with all of us,' Bush said. 'We'll find new sanctions if need be.'"

In this morning's Post, Eggen wrote from Slovenia about how "Bush opened a farewell tour of Europe on Monday night in this tiny, picturesque nation, which is basking in its status as the current head of the European Union and the most successful state to emerge from the violent breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s."

A Strong Dollar?

Gerard Baker and Tom Baldwin writes in the Times of London: "President Bush issued a call for a rise in the value of the US dollar on currency markets yesterday in a signal of mounting official alarm in Washington about the effect of the slumping greenback on the world's largest economy.

"In an exclusive interview with The Times on the eve of the United States-European Union summit in Slovenia, Mr Bush expressed concern about the dollar's continuing weakness and said that he favoured an appreciation in the US exchange rate.

"'We want the dollar to strengthen,' he said on Air Force One as it crossed the Atlantic bound for the summit."

But Deb Riechmann writes for the Associated Press that in his press availability today, Bush "essentially rejected the idea of possible government intervention to prop up the value of the U.S. dollar. He said he believed in a strong-dollar policy, but that world economies will end up setting the value of the dollar."

Sheryl Gay Stolberg and Steven R. Weisman write in the New York Times that in commenting on the dollar, "Mr. Bush may have had political considerations in mind, both domestic and foreign.

"The last time Mr. Bush went to Europe, in April, some Republicans faulted him for looking out of touch on the economy. This week's trip, with glamorous cities like Berlin, Rome, London and Paris on the itinerary, is already being characterized by his critics as a summer vacation while gasoline rises above $4 a gallon and Americans feel the pinch at grocery stores."

Housing Watch

Bush has often cited rising minority home ownership as a milestone achievement under his "ownership society" programs.

Carol D. Leonnig writes in The Washington Post: "In 2004, as regulators warned that subprime lenders were saddling borrowers with mortgages they could not afford, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development helped fuel more of that risky lending.

"Eager to put more low-income and minority families into their own homes, the agency required that two government-chartered mortgage finance firms purchase far more 'affordable' loans made to these borrowers. HUD stuck with an outdated policy that allowed Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae to count billions of dollars they invested in subprime loans as a public good that would foster affordable housing.

"Housing experts and some congressional leaders now view those decisions as mistakes that contributed to an escalation of subprime lending that is roiling the U.S. economy.

"The agency neglected to examine whether borrowers could make the payments on the loans that Freddie and Fannie classified as affordable. . . .

"'For HUD to be indifferent as to whether these loans were hurting people or helping them is really an abject failure to regulate,' said Michael Barr, a University of Michigan law professor who is advising Congress. 'It was just irresponsible.'"

Immigration Watch

Nicole Gaouette writes in the Los Angeles Times: "The Bush administration, in an aggressive new effort to keep illegal immigrants out of the workforce, on Monday ordered all companies doing business with the federal government to begin ensuring their employees can legally work in the U.S."

Julia Preston writes in the New York Times: "An executive order, signed by the president on Friday and announced on Monday. . . . expands the E-Verify program, which has been the target of criticism and lawsuits by employers' groups and advocates for immigrants who say the Social Security database it draws upon to check workers' status is riddled with errors that could lead to legal workers' being fired or rejected for employment."

Justice Watch

Brian Ross, Anna Schecter and Murray Waas report for ABC News that current and former employees of the Justice Department's Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention allege that political appointees who issued grants "ignored the staff rankings in favor of programs that had political, social or religious connections to the Bush White House."

Impeachment (Non) Watch

The Associated Press reports: "Rep. Dennis Kucinich, a former Democratic presidential contender, said Monday he wants the House to consider a resolution to impeach President Bush.

"Speaker Nancy Pelosi consistently has said impeachment was 'off the table.'

"Kucinich, D-Ohio, read his proposed impeachment language in a floor speech. He contended Bush deceived the nation and violated his oath of office in leading the country into the Iraq war.

"Kucinich introduced a resolution last year to impeach Vice President Dick Cheney."

Thinkprogress.org has the video.

Twilight Watch

Over at NiemanWatchdog.org, where I am deputy editor, we're out with part two of my series on what top administration officials might be doing to make it difficult for their successors to roll back their policies. Today's focus is on the ways a president can entrench people and policies within the executive branch bureaucracy.

History Watch

The Associated Press reports: "First lady Laura Bush acknowledged President Bush's unpopularity, but said Monday that history will vindicate her husband's two-term presidency.

"In an interview on ABC's 'Good Morning America,' Mrs. Bush noted the ousting of the Taliban in Afghanistan and Saddam Hussein in Iraq.

"'I know he may not be that popular right now, but we've liberated two countries -- 50 million people have been liberated from very brutal regimes -- and I think that's really important,' she said.

"She said the president has stood on the side of emerging democracies in central Europe.

"'He's going to have a really unbelievably great legacy, with the advantage of hindsight,' she said."

Late Night Humor

Jon Stewart marvels at how little coverage the Senate Intelligence Committee report got last week.

Cartoon Watch

John Cole and David Horsey on the verdict of history; Rex Babin on mission accomplished; RJ Matson on the Senate Intelligence report.


June 09, 2008

New Abramoff Plea is Trouble for McCain & the GOP

New Abramoff Plea is Trouble for McCain & the GOP

It has been a busy week.

We have a Nominee. Senator Clinton gave a great speech and is showing everybody how to unify the Party.

This is good news.

And yet, some important stories are getting lost in the flood of end-of-primary Diaries.

This is one of those stories.

Last Monday, on the eve of the final Democratic Primaries and while John McCain was practicing his performance art shtick in front of a green screen, word came that yet another Republican had plead guilty in the ongoing Abramoff corruption scandal.

The latest perp is a fellow named John Albaugh. He used to be the chief of staff for U.S. Rep. Ernest Istook (R-OK). Now he is a cooperating witness—just another GOP insider spilling his guts to the Feds.

Albaugh’s plea deal is a very interesting and merits an examination.

It not only spells trouble for the Republican Party, it also calls into question John McCain’s investigation cover-up of the Abramoff Scandal.

To the jump...

John Albaugh is significant cooperating witness. His plea and the information released to support it indicate that the Abramoff corruption investigation is active, growing and focusing on the actions of a number of Elected officials.

The plea also calls John McCain’s "investigation" of Jack Abramoff into question (more on that in a moment).

But first, who is John Albaugh and what did he do?

Let’s let turn to the AP for some details:

A one-time top aide to former Oklahoma Rep. Ernest Istook pleaded guilty Monday to a conspiracy to defraud the House as part of the Jack Abramoff lobbying scandal.

John Albaugh admitted in federal court in Washington that he accepted meals and sports and concert tickets, along with other perks, from lobbyists in exchange for official favors.

Albaugh, 41, is the latest in a string of more than a dozen former government officials and lobbyists to plead guilty in the scandal involving members of Congress, their aides and Bush administration officials. He faces 18 to 24 months in prison, but that sentence could be reduced based on his continued cooperation with the government's investigation.

"Mr. Albaugh decided to accept the government's proposal and move on with his life," his attorney Jeffrey Jacobovitz said after the hearing before U.S. District Judge Ellen Huvelle. "He deeply regrets and accepts full responsibility for his involvement in these matters and their impact upon his family and the community."

During the eight years Albaugh worked as chief of staff to Istook, the congressman accepted tens of thousands of dollars in campaign contributions from Abramoff and his associates. Istook has not been charged with any wrongdoing and is now a fellow at the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank in Washington.

Istook said Monday he was "as surprised and as shocked as anyone" at the case.

I love the way Istook is "surprised." This is all the more surprising when one reads the Information filing explaining the crimes that Albaugh was admitting in his guilty plea.

Istook is "Representative 4" and point #20 from the Overt Acts section of Information filing indicates that Istook had an active role in the criminal conspiracy (emphasis added):

20. On or about March 19, 2003, at the suggestion of defendant ALBAUGH, Representative 4 called Jack Abramoff, thanking him in advance for use of one of his FedEx Field suites for an upcoming fundraising event. During that call, Representative 4 also asked Abramoff which particular projects Firm B's clients wanted in the transportation bill. Abramoff thereafter sent an e-mail to the lobbyists on his team telling them that Representative 4 had "basically asked what we want in the transportation bill," and instructing the lobbyists to "make sure we load up our entire Christmas list."

TPM Muckraker further explains how the former Congressman is in trouble:

Federal prosecutors may have their sites on former Rep. Ernest Istook (R-OK) after getting a guilty plea from his former chief of staff.

Istook was not accused of any criminal conduct. But the court papers charging Istook's former chief of staff, John Albaugh, portray Istook as an apparent participant in Abramoff's influence peddling scheme. [snip]

The alleged telephone call is at odds with Istook's own account of his contacts with Abramoff. He told a reporter in April 2006 that he'd never spoken to Abramoff on the phone [snip]

The court papers charging Albaugh include several instances where Istook, referred to as "Representative 4," received benefits from Abramoff's lobbying firm.

Jack was doing favors for Istook and his staff. In return, Istook and his staff did favors for Abramoff.

Jack and Ernest worked out that broad strokes of the relationship and the details were delegated to Albaugh for Istook and "Lobbyist C" for Abramoff.

"Lobbyist C" is Kevin Ring.

Before working for Team Abramoff, Ring worked for John Doolittle, John Ashcroft and others. Kevin Ring is the current target of the Abramoff investigation. He is not cooperating and the Feds want him to crack. This plea deal is designed to put pressure on Kevin Ring and ABC News fills in some of the reasons why the DOJ wants Ring:

As the Associated Press eventually noted, Mr. C is likely Kevin Ring, a former Hill aide who went to work for Jack Abramoff in 2001. And strange as it may seem, ex-staffer Ring may be a more enticing target for prosecutors than the ex-congressman in the plea documents, Republican Ernest Istook of Oklahoma.

Why? Because Ring, already reported to be under investigation by the Abramoff prosecutors, is considered to have been Abramoff's liaison to Rep. John Doolittle, R-Calif., Ring's old boss. And Doolittle is a fellow those prosecutors have been trying to get at for a long, long time.

Indeed, Doolittle appears to have become something of a great white whale to prosecutors working the Abramoff scandal. In the past year and a half they have raided his home and his wife's office, subpoenaed mountains of documents, interviewed as many as a half-dozen of the lawmaker's former aides, even reportedly offered Doolittle a plea deal. (He reportedly turned it down; both Doolittle and his wife Julie have maintained their innocence).

Reviewing press accounts, Doolittle appears to have accepted many more gifts and contributions than Istook did from Abramoff, his team and his clients. And he reportedly took more actions favorable to Abramoff than Istook. Also, Doolittle is still in office. For prosecutors in the Public Integrity Section, convicting an active lawmaker is more professionally rewarding than putting a retiree behind bars.

Doolittle is a target and Ring can help put him away, but that is not all that Kevin can do.

The McCain led investigation of Jack Abramoff collected over 750,000 pages of documents. Less than 7,000 have been released. In the small number of documents released by the Senate Indian Affairs Committee (SIAC) there is an interesting series of emails on pages 283 to 297 in this PDF.

The emails are between Jack's aides, folks like Kevin Ring, Neil Votz and others. In the emails, they are talking about the February 22, 2004 WP article that broke the Abramoff scandal into the news-cycle.

Starting on page 285 and working backwards to page 284, Kevin Ring and Matt DeMazza discuss the article in a series of emails (emphasis added):

Matt: So is it 100% Scanlon's fault, or is Jack partially to blame?

Kevin: Jack is equally to blame. He talked the tribes into hiring Scanlon.

Matt: That's what I gathered from the story, but I wasn't sure if you knew something that the reporter didn't know ...

So is your future with G.T. in questions?

Kevin: I don't think mine is. But the impact will be felt by everyone. Unsettling after buying a new house.

I know more than the article and the truth is worse.

Kevin Ring knows who did what and when and that is why he is a target. And there are others he can give up besides Doolittle. Don Young is clearly in the sights of the DOJ. After all, Jack used Young’s Transportation Committee as an ATM for his clients (just as he used to use the Resources Committee when Young ran it). And point #2 of the Information behind Albaugh’s plea makes it clear that those connected to the Transportation Committee and transportation related appropriations should be worried:

2. From in or about January 2003 through in or about January 2005, Representative 4 served as chairman of the U.S. House of Representatives Appropriations Committee, Subcommittee on Transportation, Treasury & Independent Agencies ("the Subcommittee").

If I was a Republican on the Appropriations Committee, Subcommittee on Transportation, Treasury & Independent Agencies anytime between 2000 and 2005, I would have a lawyer on speed dial. Especially now that an Abramoff related guilty plea has the DOJ identifying the earmarks Republican lawmakers inserted to benefit Abramoff and his clients.

Point #37 of the Albaugh Plea Information showed how lobbyists get earmarks into an Appropriations Bill:

37. On or about November 12, 2003, in response to an e-mail from Lobbyist C asking whether he is "still conferencing" on the transportation appropriations bill, defendant ALBAUGH then responded, "[y]es, it is helping your projects out."

Lobbyist C responded, "WOOHOO. Tell me when you can. . . thanks." Defendant ALBAUGH subsequently responded:

"[Client A] is now at $1.25 m
[Client B] $1 m
[Client C] $1.2 m
[ClientD] $1.4m
Whos [sic] the man!"

Now I have often come across some evidence like this in the Abramoff documents that I have collected. I know that something had been passed, inserted and/or appropriated for Jack, but I have not been able to track the items down. Fortunately, Taxpayers for Common Sense (TCS) is an organization that can track these items down. The Hill shared the work of TCS with a wider audience (emphasis added):

Taxpayers for Common Sense (TCS), a watchdog group devoted to eliminating corruption and waste in government spending, released an analysis Tuesday of the earmarks Ring attained on behalf of his clients. It found that several of Ring’s clients received earmarks in the fiscal 2004 Transportation appropriations bill, which Istook oversaw in his role as subcommittee chairman.

The court documents likely refer to some of the earmarks that Ring’s clients received, according to the TCS evaluation. At least four of the earmarks in question went to a Ring client based in Doolittle’s district.

"This case demonstrates the nature of corruption in the earmarking process," said Ryan Alexander, TCS president. "We cannot continue with a broken system where we only discover corruption through criminal investigation."

The earmarks TCS scrutinized include:

• A $3.5 million earmark to construct Highway 323 from Alzada to Ekalaka in Carter County, Mont.
• A $1.425 million earmark for a Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians’ Roads project.
• A $5 million earmark to study the use of diesel multiple units that benefited Colorado Railcar Manufacturing, a Fort Lupton, Colo., Company.
• Elk Grove, Calif., in former Rep. Doug Ose’s (R-Calif.) district, received two earmarks: $300,000 for the Sheldon Road SR 99 Interchange and $960,000 for a traffic operations center.
• Lincoln, Calif., in Doolittle’s district received four earmarks: $500,000 for expansion of regional buses; $1 million for the Lincoln Boulevard Improvement Project; $2 million for Lincoln bypass-SR65/Ferrari Interchange construction; and $250,000 for the Auburn Ravine Bridge.
• The Michigan-based Saginaw Chippewa tribe received two earmarks: $1.2 million for the Transportation Improvement Project and another $1 million for the Transit Multimodal Downtown Transit Facility.

It should worry the GOP that TCS found more earmarks connected to Ring and Abramoff than were mentioned in the Albaugh plea. This is just the tip of an iceberg of corruption.

As this investigation grinds on the GOP is in trouble.

And so is John McCain.

Two of Jack’s Native American clients are on the list. Together they took in over $3.6 million in Abramoff placed earmarks in a single section of a single Appropriation Bill. This would seem to suggest that Jack Abramoff was an effective lobbyist for his clients. It would seem to suggest that he did more than just swindle them out of their money. It seems to be evidence that Abramoff used his connections to get Federal funds for his clients in return for the money they gave him.

Jack Abramoff is in jail because he committed many crimes, but he did his job very well. He delivered for his Party. Jack was a bagman for the GOP. It was his job to move the money around and Jack specialized in moving large sums of off-the-books money that could be used late in an election cycle to flood the zone and win the day for the GOP. Since Jack left the field and went to prison, the Republican Party has had trouble replacing him. Jack moved the money and they miss him.

Jack used his clients as ways to get the large sums of cash into our political system. At any given time he was involved in any number of schemes. It was always a balancing act for Jack. He lived a life of contradictions. He exploited some of his clients and he also delivered the goods for his clients. Sure, he charged around $500 an hour for his time, but his clients got a return on their investment. This is a "secret" about Abramoff that has been obscured by the Abramoff "Pure Greed Myth" created by John McCain.

On February 22, 2004 folks in DC opened their Sunday Washington Post to read about Jack Abramoff, Michael Scanlon and the way they "ripped off" their Native American clients. The surface story was true, but another larger story was hidden in the details. That story, if exposed, would decimate devastate the Republican Party in a massive corruption scandal and doom the effort to re-elect George W. Bush.

John McCain leapt into action. He had a massive scandal to cover up and no time to loose. He took charge of the investigation by the Senate’s Indian Affairs Committee. As I have mentioned before, he gathered 750,000 documents. He had ALL of Abramoff’s billing records and emails from two lobbying firms and documents stretching back a decade.

At this moment, John McCain had a choice:

He could pursue the truth and let the investigation go where it went regardless of who it exposed

or

He could use the investigation to shape a narrative, create a "myth" and a demonize the designated fall guy.

In the early days of the investigation it looked like McCain was going to take the first option. During a November 17, 2004 Hearing on the scandal, John McCain made a promise:

"I pledge, as a member of the Committee on Indian Affairs, that we will not stop until the complete truth is told."


It was a promise—like all John McCain promises—that McCain quickly broke. Before the same hearing was over, it was clear that McCain had chosen the latter course.

He chose to embrace the narrative suggested by the first news story and shaped the facts to support it. The focus of his investigation cover-up became a story of gullible Indians, greedy lobbyists and the straight talking Senators who take them on.

In McCain’s version of the Abramoff story, Jack was an aberration—a "bad apple" if you will—in the otherwise smoothly running Republican system of a constant revolving door between lobbyists, government and think tanks.

And in the simple narrative McCain created, the Tribes were greedy Indians who got what they deserved. There were no victims in McCain’s narrative. He distilled the Abramoff scandal to an "Oceans 11" caper film where the lovable Republican scamps are just stealing money from yet another casino—a casino run by greedy and gullible Indians.

McCain tapped into the ongoing easy racism towards Native Americans that most Americans are way too comfortable embracing (for example: think of that football team in DC, that baseball team in Cleveland and common expressions like "going off the reservation" to describe "crazy" behavior—but I digress).

McCain slow walked his investigation to successfully protect Bush in 2004 and limit the damage done in 2006. In 2005 he promised the Republican Caucus that he would not investigate them and he kept that promise. He made his self-directed impotence and casual regard for justice clear in a December 2005 interview with Terry Gross on NPR (emphasis added):

Sen. McCAIN: We're going to write a report, and there may be additional information we may have to look at, but we've pretty well wrapped it up. There were four major tribes that Abramoff and Scanlon ripped off for a total around $88 million. But when you look at other aspects, like telling them to make certain contribution, it gets much higher than that. The Indian Affairs Committee is that; we're supposed to oversight Native Americans. And we were told of this--this whole thing started by being told of a couple of disgruntled tribal council members in this small tribe in Louisiana, and it blossomed into something far--a thousand times greater than I ever thought that it would.

And so we've pretty well wrapped our side of the investigation. We'll be making legislative recommendations and other things. But it's not the job of the Indian Affairs Committee to investigate members of Congress. That's the Ethics Committee and other committees to do that.

By the end of 2005 it was clear that McCain was running a cover-up designed more to protect the corruption of his Party than to get to the truth. By December 2005 it was clear that McCain lied in 2004 when he said:

"I pledge, as a member of the Committee on Indian Affairs, that we will not stop until the complete truth is told."

McCain made clear that he was lying in a December 4, 2005 appearance on Meet the Press (emphasis added):

MR. RUSSERT: Let me turn to corruption, and here's a headline from the Philadelphia Inquirer: "Lobbyist Jack Abramoff helped fuel conservative successes, but his dealings could lead to a powerful ethical fallout ... Christian Coalition founder Ralph Reed, antitax guru Grover Norquist, members of Congress, administration officials, and a host of lobbyists have been drawn into Senate or Justice Department investigations of Abramoff's lobbying activities. ... The Abramoff story `is breathtaking in its reach,' [John] McCain said."

Do you expect indictments?

SEN. McCAIN: Oh, sure. And lots of them. This is--this town has become very corrupt. There's no doubt about it. And we need lobbying reform. We need to have some reform of lobbying. But the system here, where so much is done in the way of policy and money, in appropriations bills where line items are put in in secret, which nobody knows about or sees until after they're voted on, is the problem. That's the problem today. So therefore, someone who wants some money or a policy change hires a lobbyist who is well connected. They go to the appropriate subcommittee or committee, appropriations, and they write in the line item. That part has to be fixed, I think, as much as anything else.

MR. RUSSERT: Senator, you said you're going to follow the money, but are you also going to investigate which legislators may have taken money and used that to influence legislation, to write into law what you're suggesting...

SEN. McCAIN: Tim...

MR. RUSSERT:...the behavior of senators, your colleagues? Are you going to investigate them?

SEN. McCAIN: The--I will not, because I'm a chairman of the Indian Affairs Committee. This was brought to our--this whole thing started--was brought to us--attention by some disgruntled tribal council members in a small tribe in Louisiana, and we took it as far as we thought was our responsibility, which is where the money ends up. I'm not as--we are responsible for Indian affairs. We have an Ethics Committee. We have a government--we have other committees of Congress, but we also have a very active media. And believe me...

MR. RUSSERT: Does the Ethics Committee work?

SEN. McCAIN: I don't think...

MR. RUSSERT: In all honesty?

SEN. McCAIN: I don't think the ethics committees are working very well. The latest Cunningham scandal was uncovered by the San Diego newspaper, not by anyone here...

MR. RUSSERT: Duke Cunningham, the congressman from California.

SEN. McCAIN:...in Washington.

MR. RUSSERT: Do you believe that some legislators have committed a crime?

SEN. McCAIN: Well, I don't want to--everyone deserves the presumption of innocence until proven guilty. I'm not a judge and jury.

MR. RUSSERT: But there's strong evidence to suggest that.

SEN. McCAIN: There's strong evidence that there was significant wrongdoing, but I'm not a judge or jury.

MR. RUSSERT: Do you think some legislators may be indicted?

SEN. McCAIN: All I know is what I read in the media. We stopped in the Indian Affairs Committee with where the money went, and that was our--the extent of our responsibilities.

That last statement of McCain’s is amazing. If McCain’s responsibility was to "follow the money" how did he miss the earmarks mentioned in the John Albaugh plea?

His interviews with Gross and Russert shared a common evasive stance when it comes to discussing the Abramoff investigation. It is clear that McCain wanted to get off the subject and that he had no intention of completing the investigation that he started. A report finally came out in June 2006. It left more question on the table than it answered.

And yet, McCain now points to his investigation cover-up of Abramoff as proof of his qualifications to be President. A serious look into McCain’s work on the Abramoff Scandal would disqualify him.

The Albaugh plea calls into question a central finding of McCain’s Final Report that the only problem was a few bad apples. The truth was that Jack Abramoff was part of a corrupt system of lobbying that is destroying our government. Jack Abramoff was not an aberration, he was normal in the Washington created by the Republican Party.

The lobbying system Abramoff worked in was created by a lobbyist named Charlie Black. And Black is now running McCain’s campaign.

McCain limited the Abramoff scandal to a very, very narrow scope. He collected 750,000 pages of documents and selectively used them to justify a narrow investigation.

Had he released these documents to the public, Abramoff’s easy access to Republican lawmakers and earmarks would have been exposed in 2006 or even 2004. The Albaugh plea proves McCain had evidence of crimes that he hid.

This should get some attention (IMHO) and John McCain should be forced to explain himself and why he placed artificial limits on his Abramoff investigation.

The 742,000 pages of documents being suppressed by John McCain should be released.

And John McCain needs to be defeated in November.

He is liar and a disgrace (and that is yet another reason why a McCain Presidency would be Bush’s third term).

We have a Country to take back.

2008 is now.

Time to get to work.

Cheers.



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