Showing posts with label children of globalization. Show all posts
Showing posts with label children of globalization. Show all posts

August 02, 2008

What's happening at Tyson Foods, Shelbyville, Tennessee

Hi All! This might be a little off topic, but I think that it is
important enough to share with the group, because it seems to be an
issue that affects everyone!

Have you heard about the debacle at the Tyson Foods plant in
Shelbyville, TN? The company's management and the union have agreed
to eliminate the Labor-Day holiday, and in it's place put a Muslim
holiday called Eid al-Fitr, which has something to do with Ramadan!

This only affects union workers at the plant. Non-union workers still
can keep their Labor Day holiday. What the heck is up with this? If
you go to the local newspaper's website, you'll see the story on
their page 1, at: http://www.t-g.com/

This is happening in order to
accommodate Somali workers at the plant. Now, there are conflicting
numbers of them, depending on the source. The union says there are
700 out of 1200 Somali workers, and the company says there are 250
out of 1200 Somali workers. Also, the company has provided 2 prayer
rooms for the Muslim workers at the plant, and none for any other
religious group.

This smells like the union, operating in cooperation with a multi-
national company, such as Tyson Foods, has sold out the American
workers living in Shelbyville, as well as those non-muslim workers at
the plant, in order to further the globalist agendas of its
leadership. BTW, all of them are very active in the DNC at the
national level!

This national holiday was created in order to honor the contribution
of the American worker to the success of this country, and to their
roles in making American industry the most productive, the world has
ever seen! And the Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union
RWDSU), operating in cooperation with the Tyson Corporation's
management have destroyed that worker's celebration, at least for
those in Shelbyville.

This is an issue, but there is a more serious one to look at here.
How does a multinational corporation get 700 Somalis, and an unknown
number of mexican nationals (for a different shift, see the newspaper
article from the Shelbyville R/T)), approved for an H-1b workers
temporary visa, to the exclusion of the American workers who live in
that region? Does anyone else smell something rotten here? Or is that
the smell of money that Tyson saves by hiring workers who will accept
a lower wage, because anything is better than what they had before in
Somalia or Mexico! Also, here is a union, in a period of declining
union membership nationwide, able to grow its membership by helping a
company to import cheap labor that causes its membership ranks to
swell. And, just maybe we now have direct evidence that may implicate
the INS, or at least, high-level executives of that agency, in this
whole "open-border" mess. Is it possible that we have some greedy a-
holes from that agency "on-the-take" from large corporations. I
thought we were limiting Somolian immigration, because of ties to
terrorist organizations? Does anyone else smell a rat, here?

Now, I've never been a lover of unions, because of my background in
Western PA, but I am deeply offended by this on so many levels that
it is hard to keep it all straight! I think that there needs to be a
congressional investigation into this, and maybe the only person we
have left to do this might be Ron Paul from Texas. This would be a
really great opportunity for him to make his point concerning how
dangerous this whole globalization process is for the American
worker! This should scare the democrats to death, because it could
cost them the election! All the leaders of that union are pretty high
up in the DNC, as per their writings on the union's website!

I think that we should all boycott Tyson Foods, and let that company
know how much we oppose their cancellation of an national American
holiday, in favor of a non-American labor blasphemy! And, we need to
show Tyson that the American people will not stand by and watch them
import cheap foreign labor at the expense of the American worker!
Let's tell everyone we know what they are doing, and let a
groundswell of public opinion show those sob's what we think of their
globalist agenda!

Check out the union's web-site at:
http://www.rwdsu.org/ , and you'll
see what I mean about a globalist agenda. Tyson is a multi-national
company, and the union is a multi-national union, as well. If you
have any questions for me, you can contact me by e-mail at:
azsurvive111@gmail.com, or
gappgroup1@yahoogroups.com.

In the Spirit of Liberty,
tim guiney

July 20, 2008

FRBSF: Can Young Americans Compete in a Global Economy?


FRBSF: Can Young Americans Compete in a Global Economy?

Clive Crook recently:

A startling and profoundly important fact about the US economy has received surprisingly little attention. The educational quality of the country's workers is starting to decline - not just relatively (because other countries are catching up and moving ahead) but also, for the first time, in absolute terms. Over the coming years, baby-boomers departing from the labour force will have better educational qualifications than the younger workers replacing them. If the ultimate source of an economy's ability to grow and prosper is its human capital, the US is in trouble.

[Update: I should have included this too.] The absolute decline is a concern, but maybe the relative comparison isn't so bad, at least for now? This Economic Letter argues that U.S. students do poorly in comparison with other students around the world when the comparison is made in high school, but if the comparison is made when they are older, 26-30 years old, the comparison looks better - U.S. students are in the middle of the group rather than at the bottom. Thus , it appears that U.S. students reap substantial benefits from college (and other post high school learning) relative to foreign students in many other countries, and U.S. students attend college in greater numbers than do foreign students. The question is, though, as foreign countries develop their higher education systems, and if we fail to make the necessary investments in education ourselves, will this advantage persist?:

Can Young Americans Compete in a Global Economy?, by Elizabeth Cascio, Economic Letter, FRBSF: Young Americans entering the labor market today face substantial competition. Employers can look all over the world for workers with the skills to meet their firms' needs. Are young Americans ready for these challenges? The answer isn't obvious. On the one hand, U.S. high school students consistently perform worse on international standardized tests than students in other industrialized countries; on the other hand, the United States generally has maintained the highest college completion rate in the world. Sorting out the net effect of these two phenomena on young Americans' readiness to compete in a global job market has been difficult given the dearth of suitable data.

This Economic Letter summarizes new research by Cascio, Clark, and Gordon (2008) (hereafter CCG) that uses data from the International Adult Literacy Survey (IALS), fielded in the 1990s, to address this issue. The authors estimate the skill levels of 16- and 17-year-olds and 26- to 30-year-olds for the United States and other high-income countries. Consistent with other assessments of the school-age population, the IALS data show that U.S. 16- and 17-year-olds perform poorly relative to their counterparts in other nations. By their late 20s, however, those in the U.S. group in the IALS data compare much more favorably to their counterparts abroad, suggesting that they are able to "catch up" in college or beyond. The authors then discuss why the U.S. "age profile of skill" is so different from that in other countries.

Comparing academic performance across countries

Although cross-country data on educational attainment and wage rates are available, they are poor proxies for skill, as they embody unmeasured differences in school quality, labor market regulation, and other country-specific factors. Using data from the relatively recent IALS sidesteps these problems. The IALS measured the information-processing skills of 16- to 65-year-olds in different countries in 1994, 1996, and 1998. Respondents were given several passages of text and, following each, were posed a series of questions to measure skills in three domains: quantitative (applying "arithmetic operations…to numbers embedded in printed materials"), prose (understanding and using "information in texts"), and document (locating and using "information in various formats") (OECD 1995). The test was intended to measure "literacy" broadly ("general skills), rather than occupation-specific knowledge or academic proficiency. Scores on the IALS tests were categorized from level one (the ability to locate information in text) to level five (the ability to locate information in dense text with multiple distractors and to make high-level inferences). Performance on the IALS test is strongly correlated with individual earnings, though the strength of that correlation and the responsiveness of earnings to changes in IALS scores differ considerably across countries (Blau and Kahn 2005).

Figure 1: Performance on the IALS test by age and countryBased on the IALS, CCG estimate the share of the population that is highly skilled—that is, who scored at least at level-four proficiency on the test on average—for a set of developed countries. Figure 1 displays separate shares for 16- and 17-year-olds and for 26- to 30-year-olds. Countries are ordered from highest to lowest based on the performance of teenagers (solid black bars). To eliminate changes in the demographic composition of the population associated with high immigration rates of young adults, data are reported only for native-born citizens of each country.

The results for 16- and 17-year-olds confirm the findings from previous international standardized tests. On average, native-born U.S. teenagers performed worse on the IALS test than teenagers in any other country: Only 4.7% achieved at least level-four proficiency. In contrast, in the highest ranking country, Sweden, more than 35% of students achieved at least level-four proficiency. Across all nations other than the United States, on average 16% of 16- and 17-year-olds were highly skilled.

The gray bars, representing 26- to 30-year-olds, portray a very different picture. While the gap between the highest performing country, Sweden, and the United States narrowed only slightly, the gap between the United States and the average of developed countries narrowed substantially: 23.0% of U.S. 26- to 30-year-olds were proficient at level four or five, and 24.7% of this group in the other countries surveyed were similarly skilled. The U.S. position thereby moved from the bottom to the middle of the group.

The striking change in the U.S. ranking from the teenage years to young adulthood highlights an important difference in the "age profile of skill" across countries. While substantial learning takes place after high school in nearly all countries, these gains are particularly large in the United States. In fact, except for Norway, the age profile of skill is steeper in the United States than in any other country in the sample.

Why are age profiles of skill different across countries?

Why do U.S. 26- to 30-year-olds perform so much better on the IALS test than U.S. 16- and 17-year-olds? Why are such gains not observed in other rich countries? CCG argue that the steep age profile of skill observed in the U.S. may have emerged because the costs to the individual of investing in general skills in this country are lower and the benefits are higher than in many other countries. In particular, on the cost side, access to university education in many developed nations other than the U.S. is controlled by the government along two dimensions. First, students are "tracked" during the equivalent of K-12; that is, some are on a track that makes them "university eligible," and therefore they take courses that prepare them for college, while some are on a vocational track where the courses they take would make competing for a place in a college difficult if not impossible. Second, the number of available admissions to universities is limited and changes infrequently. Therefore, there is potentially fierce competition for few places in university classrooms. In contrast, there is less educational tracking in the U.S., so more students of varied educational backgrounds and ages can undertake the appropriate preparation to apply to colleges and universities. Furthermore, there is a relatively high level of private provision of college in the U.S., which allows for a greater ability to expand educational opportunities to meet higher demand.

Figure 2: Differences in test scores and college graduation rates, ages 16-17 vs. 26-30If the comparatively greater access to—that is, low cost of entry into—the U.S. higher education system produces greater acquisition of general skills, the United States should have a relatively high college completion rate to match its relatively steep age profile of skill. The data in Figure 2 suggest that this is true. The figure also shows that the fraction of a country's population receiving a bachelor's degree (or equivalent) between ages 16-17 and 26-30 is strongly positively correlated with its age profile of skill. This suggests that individuals' investments in higher education raise general skills in the average country, even when university education tends to be more track-oriented and focused on a particular field than it is in the U.S.

Differences in the benefits from acquiring general skills also may be important in explaining differences across countries in the age profile of skill. For instance, a relatively high monetary return to college education may also have contributed to the relatively high U.S. college completion rates observed in the IALS. Similarly, in other countries, there are incentives to invest in vocational education over university education. For example, the German government heavily subsidizes participation in apprenticeships, which combine on-the-job and classroom training for specific professions. Thus, even though Germans and Americans spend about the same amount of time in school after age 17, Germans are more likely than Americans to allocate that time toward vocational education. While it has been argued that German apprenticeships bestow relatively general skills, it does not appear that vocational education pays off in this way in the average country: Compared to its strong correlation with college completion shown in Figure 2, the age profile of skill in a country is weakly correlated with increases in years spent in school overall after age 17.

Summary

The research described in this Letter suggests that the skills of young Americans entering the labor market may not be as low as internationally standardized tests historically suggest: While the average U.S. teenager has a low probability of being able to perform high-level inferences, Americans in their late 20s are as literate as their counterparts in a number of similar-income countries. These gains in skill appear to be a by-product of the low-cost, high-return nature of investment in general skills in the United States.

Will U.S. young adults continue to rank favorably in the distribution of skill across countries in the years to come? Perhaps not. While there is considerably less private provision of higher education in countries other than the United States, many did substantially expand public funding for universities in the 1980s and 1990s, increasing accessibility accordingly. Thus, many countries that significantly lagged the United States in college graduation only a decade ago—Finland, Sweden, and the United Kingdom, among others—now have comparable if not higher graduation rates. While it is unclear whether these countries will embrace the U.S. model of higher education, the educational battleground of the near future seems likely to move beyond the elementary and secondary level.

References

Blau, Francine D., and Lawrence M. Kahn. 2005. "Do Cognitive Test Scores Explain Higher U.S. Wage Inequality?" Review of Economics and Statistics 87(1) pp. 184-193.

Cascio, Elizabeth, Damon Clark, and Nora Gordon. 2008. "Education and the Age Profile of Literacy into Adulthood." Journal of Economic Perspectives, forthcoming.

OECD. 1995. Literacy, Economy, and Society: Results of the First International Adult Literacy Survey. Paris and Ottawa: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, and Statistics Canada.

Posted by Mark Thoma on Friday, July 18, 2008 at 10:17 AM in Economics, Universities

June 25, 2008

Inspiring essay on TPMuckraker by The Facilitatrix

This appears as Obama and McCain have exposed themselves for the asses that they are ..

An EXCELLENT essay! (Wish I'd written it myself, but I spend my time getting everything on this blog now .. )

The Second Great Depression is already in the USA, there are gobs of things to fix. Impeachment and a WAR CRIMES tribunal are the only answers legally BUT we must stay inspired.

The Bush legacy is much worse than you think

By The Facilitatrix - April 16, 2008, 2:32PM

You know what, folks? The sky is falling.

The Bush administration is merely the culmination of a strategy that's been undermining our free, open, and self-determining society for years, and pushing most of us into a cesspool while a few live in splendor.

All these years of letting the market regulate itself has led us here: an environment so raped and pillaged that to reverse the climate change—which is fast leading from over warming to water shortages to food shortages to famine to wars to death and chaos on a level we need to watch The Road Warrior to picture.

We may not see the worst of it, but our children or grandchildren will, and it ain't gonna be pretty. Only a few will be exempt from the effects.

Welcome to our world

What we have right now are airlines flying with unsafe aircraft, because a politicized FAA didn't want to squelch business growth by making the airlines maintain their fleet properly. We have mine disasters and vaunted "clean coal." We have profiteering in unmonitored student loans. We have an FCC that protects media conglomerates, not the airwaves. We have Bizarro-world taxation and environmental standards. But none of this hurts the few, and much of it benefits them further.
We have an educational system that is the laughingstock of the world's unsympathetic and a tragedy to our friends in the world, friends who remember the shining society the US was building and reaching, with secondary education that prepared children to become functioning adults and higher education available to any who were willing to pay the price in effort and intellectual growth, not devastating, life-long debt. This strengthens those few, turning social and economic gaps into chasms.

We have a "justice" system that slaps the hands of corporate malefactors while it methodically pits race against race, to keep the underclasses struggling just to survive, so they won't have the strength to fight the system that controls injustice. The few nod approvingly.

The few, the arrogant

We have a superclass of the few that has for decades methodically worked toward the massive gap we have between their wealth and the rest of us, based, I can only imagine, on pathological needs for money and power, because they sure as hell can't eat any better now than they did in 1965.

We have a "shadow market" of the few operating free from even minimal regulation and that benefits from the petty greed of players in the stock market, because investors' grandiose schemes for profit and distress at loss are merely tools for the real profit gained by the shadow puppeteers.

We have a society of the rest of us in which those recently disenfranchised by deregulation and free markets are those who in generations past disenfranchised other races and ethnicities. And they're still reeling from the loss, so much so that their bitterness—yes, their bitterness—is aimed at people who had nothing to do with disenfranchising them.

But the superclass has had its minions tell the white former middle class over and over that it's the blacks, the Mexicans, the liberals, the Jews, the terrorists, the gays, the atheists—everyone but those actually responsible for it—who took away their jobs and their way of life.

How'd they do it? And who helped?

The superclass knows that if they tell us up is down and right is wrong long enough and often enough, they'll wear down the weakest of us, the most disillusioned of us, the most fearful of us, and the angriest of us, so we'll lash out at others and each other, rather than at them. We've been turned so topsy-turvy that we focus on what they tell us are threats to our "way of life" and can't see outside of the tunnel they've built to see the builders themselves.

Their minions are the middle managers, the stockbrokers, the investor-players, the lobbyists, and the legislators, who buy into the superclass's vision and do their dirty work for them, dreaming their grand dreams. The minions think that by doing their masters' bidding and playing their game, they'll get a piece of the pie. But even though it's a very, very big pie, only very, very few get to enjoy it.

So, wake up, little minions! Wake up, Condoleezza and Colin and Alberto and Alphonso, and really, Harriet and Karen and Lurita. Because the guys in charge have absolutely no intention of sharing the pie with you. Blacks, Mexicans, and women need not apply to the superclass, but you can work for them. Oh, and Johnny Yoo? Nice work on the memos. We'll call you if we need anything else done. You are not one of them, and you never can or will be. You are the pie makers. You steal from your own to make the pie, but you don't get to take it home.

Bush and Cheney and O'Neill and Rove, along with some select, moving-and-shaking (and correctly born, educated, and baptized) senators (sorry, not you, Joe L.) enjoy the pie, but no congressmen (Really, the grunts? I think not!). And of course, the business moguls who share the beds of of the politicos in the superclass win with them, and they gobble up the pie and get fatter than even Croesus could have imagined.

They're not going to give anything back.

Unless those of us who are on to what the superclass has done to us rise up—and I mean that in its classical, revolutionary sense—nothing will ever get better for anyone but them. And unless we shove the faces of all of those minion-enablers into the reality that they can't eat that pie—which they were never intended to share—they're going to keep on helping those few who have done the world more harm than any war, any despot, any plague, or any disaster.

So anything they tell us? More smoke and mirrors to keep us from screaming out the truth and taking back our education, our health, our utilities, our infrastructure, our transportation, our communications, our media, and anything else that has been deregulated or allowed to be "free marketed" into its current state. And we've got to regulate the hell out of everything, and tax the bastards within an inch of their lives. Then at least we can stop them where they now stand and maybe even get something back.

Who will win?

But you know what? No matter what we do to the superclass—short of incarcerating the lot of them in Pelican Bay, looting their villas, or building some guillotines—they will always have more money than they rest of us can imagine. Just accept that now. It shouldn't stop us from doing what we need to do, though.

We can restore our freedoms. We can stop playing their games, using their oil, swallowing their pabulum, and blaming fellow victims. But we're going to have to fight for it, and we're going to have to convince their minions that facilitating the puppeteers is in no one's interest but the puppeteers themselves.

So take up metaphorical arms and do what we need done to save us all. Winning an election isn't going to make things magically better. But it's a necessary first step toward unraveling our knots and cutting the puppets' strings. Just don't expect the superclass to give anything back without a dirty, ugly, bloody fight.

Again, the torture prosecutor is the first step. And this would lead to IMPEACHMENT !
The WORLD is breathlessly awaiting what US patriot really do - and if you've read the blog you know that Obama is no answer.

The elections WILL be cancelled. And then there is very heavy work to be done and I am doing my part, as I can.


March 27, 2008

Kishosre Mahbubani on human rights cowards

This is really good but here are a few points. The US has long advocated torture - particularly in Latin American. It just paid the buck$ to have a "local" do it and that was that. But to tear up the Army Field Manual was a bit beyond the beyond. That is part and parcel of the poisitoin the US government takes that it owns the world in the plutocracy's interests -- and must have an official strategies of being a "madman" so people are always AFRAID. Such was the great instituionalization of the neocons GWOT tactics.

One sign of real progress would be the closing of the infamous School of the Americas and stopping the criminalization of those who protest it - THEN and only then can we safely say that the US has no intention of being a torturer nation. Canada has much to answer for on the human rights/torture issue as well. I know what they do, and I am not fooled. Those who participated in rendition/black sites need to be called to account as well, let us not forget that.

I have difficulties reading a rehash of the old Cold War paradigm as well - we live in an age of transglobalism.

Veeger

The sermons of cowards

The west is squandering authority on democracy and human rights: it fails to practise as it preaches

Something remarkable has happened in the struggle for greater freedom and democracy. The world's most powerful nation and the traditional beacon for democracy, the United States, has slid backwards. One of the world's poorest nations and the world's most populous Islamic state, Indonesia, has moved distinctly forward. And yet western discourse largely ignores this development, as evidenced by the sweeping speech on democracy delivered by the foreign secretary, David Miliband, last month.

The first flaw of western discourse is its inability to practise what it preaches in this respect: to speak truth to power. This is revealed in the reluctance of western governments to discuss the most catastrophic reversal in the field of human rights: the decision by the US government to defend the use of torture. In the evolution of human rights there have been two quantum leaps: the first was the universal abolition of slavery; the second, the move towards abolishing torture.

Ten years ago, if anyone had suggested the US would reintroduce torture, the answer would have been "impossible!" Yet the impossible has happened. Amnesty International has described Guantánamo as "the gulag of our times". Despite their history of condemning human rights violations, no western nation has condemned the US government for Guantánamo. Miliband's speech rightly applauded several brave Burmese people for standing up to the military government. They spoke truth to power, and at great personal risk. Sadly, even though he faced no personal risks, Miliband could not muster the courage to speak truth to power regarding Guantánamo.

Even more tellingly, in the US there has been a broader reversal on many civil rights issues. In the face of threats from terrorism, the population has, in effect, accepted a reduction of civil liberties, symbolised by the Patriot Act. In so doing, Americans have revealed that in a crunch they behave no differently to other societies. When they feel threatened, they too are prepared to sacrifice civil liberties - thus providing a new negative role model for others.

The second flaw in western discourse is the refusal to recognise its track record of double standards in the promotion of human rights and democracy. When a western country has to choose between promoting its values or defending its interests, interests always trump values. No western country promotes democracy in Saudi Arabia. Too many interests would have to be sacrificed in doing so. But in states such as Burma and Zimbabwe, where no major western interests are at risk, values can take primacy. When Tashkent agreed to host a valuable American military base in the battle against terrorism, the British ambassador, Craig Murray, was forced to resign in protest against the silence of his government on human rights abuses in Uzbekistan.

We are moving toward a more intelligent world. Globally, the number of highly educated people, especially in Asia, has never been higher. They can now make well-informed judgments about what the west does with human rights. Hence, while the west conducts a self-congratulatory conversation on the subject, the rest of the world sees an emperor with no moral clothing.

The third flaw in western discourse is that when presented with a choice between doing good and feeling good, the west almost always chooses the latter because it costs less. Burma exemplifies this best. History teaches that sanctions and exclusions have never succeeded in transforming societies. Engagement and dialogue over time lead to change. The tragedy of 20 years of isolation of Burma has done no good, even though the politicians of the west have felt good condemning the regime.

A prominent Burmese intellectual, Thant Myint-U, grandson of U Thant, the former UN secretary general, wrote in the International Herald Tribune: "What outside pressure can bring about democratic change? And why, after nearly two decades of boycotts, aid cut-offs, trade bans and diplomatic condemnation, are Burma's generals apparently more in charge than ever before? Are we really looking at Burma - a country of 55 million people - in the right way?"

The paradox here is that engaging Burmese generals will require political courage from western politicians. They will have to justify this to their own people and perhaps pay a political price as a consequence. To avoid any risk, western politicians heap praise (as Miliband does) on Burmese dissidents, lauding their courage - while simultaneously demonstrating their own moral and political cowardice.

The time therefore has arrived for a new discourse between the west and the rest on freedom and democracy. In December we will celebrate the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This may well provide an opportunity for the west to change course; nothing can or will prevent it lecturing the world on human rights. But it could nevertheless learn to do something new: to listen to the voices from the rest of the world.

· Kishore Mahbubani is the author of The New Asian Hemisphere: The Irresistible Shift of Global Power to the East, and will speak at the London School of Economics next Tuesday

These words will resonate will all those who join in the condemnation of this most disastrous period; an appalling US presidency leading out the coalition of the arm-twisted, blind-eyed, circumlocutionary discourses of its hegemony.

And as our awareness of the biggest market failure in history, the carbon bungle, turns our culture from hubris to disquiet we realise that the surrender of values to base interests is not only short-sighted but possibly fatally flawed.

COMMENTS:


It is not 'western discourse' but global ruling class discourse. By using such terminology as 'western discourse' the author, I think, reveals he is 'siding' with a notion of a division between east and west that is as politically corrupt as the positions and policies he (rightly) damns. Would it not be rather crazy for a nation-state to act in its foreign policy against its own ruling class's perceived economic and strategic interests (to be 'moral')? Yes. Yet to its own subjects it must appear to always be doing so, or at least trying to.

One thing I noted recently in Bush's statement on Iraq was the way it assumed, newly, that the war simply removed the threat from the US by planting or exacerbating it in another country (Iraq). Can't this be taken as an admission of a war crime, to sacrifice the ordinary Iraqi civilian in such a way?

The author has a rather quaint notion of the history of democracy if he thinks it ever was very very 'noble'.



A timely piece, but one that seems more focused on provocation than on landing any palpable hits. It's the tired old references to 'western discourse' that give the game away, I think. Not because it doesn't exist, but because it's neither as isolated nor as unified as you suggest.

Of course, as an old UN hand, you are no doubt aware of that, Mr Mahbubani. So I can only presume that the superficiality of the argument stems from a somewhat disingenuous unwillingness to set the 'cowardice' of 'the west' off against a more robust promotion of what 'the rest' has to offer. Maybe it's a marketing strategy for your new book. However, given your career as a long-time ambassador for Singapore and you current position as Dean of Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, your argument begs as many questions as it answers. How, for instance, do you square your use of an Amnesty report to lend credibility to your analysis, with the fact that Amnesty is effectively banned in Singapore? How valid can a critique of western sanctions on Burma be when it fails to acknowledge that Asean's much vaunted policy of 'non-interference in domestic affairs' has proved similarly impotent?

I do not presume that you speak for the Singapore Government on these matters; but surely an argument of this sort can be both more rounded and more rambunctious, and would make for greater substance than taking pot-shots at the Boy King Miliband?


Good article, very good points raised. I've often wondered why we, the U.S., talk about spreading democracy but never begin with those nations most likely to listen: our allies (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, etc.). Instead we begin by invading or threatening those least likely to listen - our enemies (Iraq, Iran, etc.) with bombs and democracy. It's just as when we were fighting communism, but allowing other forms of cruel dictatorship stand. It has to do with convenience, not principle.

That the US can export democracy after 2000, when the fellow who lost the election was selected by a group of partisan judges to be installed in the white house, is laughable.

I object to points in the article that talk about America, or Americans, as rolling back their own freedoms. America hasn't done this. A handful of power-hungry and cynical cowards, often collectively referred to as neocons, chickenhawks, or the Bush Administration, has done this.

They promote a climate of fear and market themselves as the antidote to the threat. It's merely a ploy to gain and retain power. It worked when they talked about "the evil empire", it works now they talk about "the evil terrorists". Freedom makes people difficult to govern, and democracy makes power uncertain. They're just doing what they need to do to remain in control, and marketing it under security measures.

That it works, is a different issue. Most Americans "don't have time" to be aware of the issues or to analytically think about what's going on. "Don't have time" means "are more interested in sports, celebrity, and other vapidity". And let's not forget the sad and powerful influence of right-wing hate radio, Fox "News", and other strong sources of misinformation and propaganda. While folly and willful ignorance are deplorable, I have difficulty blaming these poor people for locking their own cell doors. Most Americans feel torture is wrong. It's just they've been made so fearful, with visions of another 9/11/01 and mushroom clouds if we don't torture, that they'll acquiesce to extreme measures without thinking. I'm not excusing their cowardice and lack of thought and soul. But living here, I understand why it happens.

Now, let's wait for RogeredInTheUSA to come on with an off-topic gripe about British democracy as trite retaliation.


I do tend to agree with the article, but we must remember the definition of torture has gone beyond what most people consider torture. The US advocated physical torture in the form of waterboarding, but as human rights have expanded now almost anything is considered torture. A clear definition of torture along with enough leeway for interrogators to gain information through psychological means.

The United States along with other European countries need to make a firm stand on what is acceptable and what is not. They need to tie economic trade benefits to ones human rights record. Why does the US trade with Saudia Arabia and China, but not Cuba? Perhaps if we held onto our principles or at least had a clear method for countries to garner economic benefits there would be a better reform.

We also have to make sure human rights are ensure a fair justice system where things we accept as reasonable such as a Jury by Peers, trials and appeals. This however does not remove the notion the punishment should fit the crime. Hanging murderers should not be deemed a human right violation if the person was convicted of murder.



Much as Kishore Mahbubani is correct in highlighting the stark differences at times in 'what we say and what we do' perhaps we might look at in what circumstances we tend to deviate more than in others.

He might have pointed more strongly that Western politicians, such as Miliband, focus criticism on countries which have poor or worse Government which are resource rich: Sudan, Burma, Iran, (Iraq's is work in progress), Somalia, Russia, etc but not Zimbabwe, and certainly not on our friends as mentioned: Saudi Arabia etc.

It seems possible that the dearth of new resources under the control of US/UK Big Oil is a specific driver back towards the type of Imperialism that was practised hisorically-the human rights abuses, illegal invasions- (I mean how can it be illegal they've got oil?)- etc.


March 19, 2008

Poverty and disease kill little Suradzai Gumbo, Zimbawe


Sarudzai Gumbo


Sarudzai Gumbo was a victim of Robert Mugabe's evil regime almost from the day she was born. Her courage in the face of her appalling suffering and disfigurement moved thousands of readers of The Times. And now she is dead - at the age of 7 - a young girl who never stood a chance. Another example of how superglobalization, the corporatocracy and the JACKALS at work.

We are attempting to give a face to the VICTIMS of these inhumane policies ..

Now, from the Times ..


Richard Mills, the Times photographer, and I first met Sarudzai in a church in Mbare, a slum in southern Harare, last March. Her mother pushed her forward and pulled off her dirty woollen hat.

We gasped. Sarudzai's head was covered in festering red sores. Pus oozed from her eyes. A growth on her tongue made speaking difficult.

Her tearful mother, Silibaziso, said that she had never been to school, other children refused to play with her, and she could not sleep for pain.

Her parents told us how President Mugabe had destroyed their house in 2005 when he razed slums in Operation Murambatsvina (“Clean Up Trash”), and then destroyed their jobs by banning street vendors.

Both parents had Aids. They were living with their five children in a tiny shack built on wasteland from plastic sheeting and corrugated iron. They could give Sarudzai barely a bowl of sadza - maize-meal porridge - a day. They had been turned away by hospitals for lack of money.

After Sarudzai's story appeared in The Times, readers called to offer help, and donated £7,500. Sarudzai was sent to an Aids clinic, but last April her mother died and her father took her away to the ancestral village, fatally interrupting her treatment.

Sarudzai was transferred later to Parirenyatwa Hospital in Harare just as Zimbabwe's healthcare system was imploding. That was where we found her when we returned to the country last November. She was lying alone and neglected in a dirty side room. Her head was a mass of septic lesions. Two large cancers were devouring the right side of her face. She had lost the sight in one eye. A filthy hat concealed untold horrors on her scalp - and the stench of putrefying flesh was overwhelming.

The hospital had run out of medicines and its doctors and nurses had left in droves for better-paid jobs abroad. It had become a place where patients were left to die. We moved Sarudzai to a private hospital. Tracey and Anne, two church workers from Mbare, volunteered to visit her daily.

A Harare paediatrician - one of the few left - agreed to treat her free of charge. Kidzcan, a charity that helps Zimbabwean children with cancer, adopted her.

For the first time in her life Sarudzai was clean, cared for and eating proper food. We left her playing with two new teddy bears that she had named Rudzai and Rudo - Shona for “praise” and “love” - and returned to Britain knowing she was in good hands.

Sadly Sarudzai's cancer was too advanced, Harare's one radiotherapy machine worked spasmodically, and there was no hard currency to repair it. She died early yesterday.

Sarudzai was a sweet, brave and affectionate girl who won the hearts of all who met her. She seldom cried or complained. She smiled at visitors, and waved when they left. Her personality shone through her disfigurement.

She was also an apt symbol for a country that has suffered so much under Mr Mugabe, a country whose beauty has been corrupted by his evil.

There were tears shed for Sarudzai yesterday, but there will be few shed for Mr Mugabe if her death is followed by the end of his pernicious rule in this month's presidential election.

A dying nation

13m Population of Zimbabwe

35 years Life expectancy for Zimbabweans at birth

2.2m Number estimated to be living with Aids

1.3m Zimbabweans aged under 17 thought to be living with Aids

$47 Annual government health spending per person

Source: UNAids

I have just read the article about Sarudzai Gumbo, and all that I can say is that this child and her parents have gone to a better place, I hope that President Mugabe is satisfied. Rest in Peace, Sarudzai.

Samuel, London,

Sleep tight, little one.

Heather, Glasgow,



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